Central and South-Eastern Europe 2004 PDF Download
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Author: Europa Publications
Publisher: Psychology Press
ISBN: 9781857431865
Category : Business & Economics
Languages : en
Pages : 844
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Book Description
Comprises: a general survey of the region; country surveys; political profiles of the region; and information on international and regional organizations, and research institutes.
Author: Europa Publications
Publisher: Psychology Press
ISBN: 9781857431865
Category : Business & Economics
Languages : en
Pages : 844
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Book Description
Comprises: a general survey of the region; country surveys; political profiles of the region; and information on international and regional organizations, and research institutes.
Author: Alexander Dragomiroff
Publisher: Nova Publishers
ISBN: 9781590331644
Category : Biography & Autobiography
Languages : en
Pages : 182
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Book Description
Russian Leaders A Bibliography With Indexes
Author: Hugh Ragsdale
Publisher: University of Pittsburgh Press
ISBN: 0822980746
Category : Biography & Autobiography
Languages : en
Pages : 221
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Book Description
This book offers the first book-length English language biography of Russian emperor Paul I (1754-1801), since a 1913 translation. Most of the essays have been written expressly for this volume. They examine Paul's education, his mental pathology, his administrative aims, curious relations with the knights of Malta and with Bonaparte, and his struggles with the threatening ideas emanating from the French Revolution. There is also a provocative new view of the conspiracy that took Paul's life.
Author: Antonio Possevino
Publisher: University of Pittsburgh Pre
ISBN: 0822977354
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 213
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Book Description
Translated by Hugh F. Graham This translation provides a descriptive account of the court of Tsar Ivan IV, in sixteenth-century Moscow, as seen through the eyes of papal envoy and Jesuit Antonio Possevino S.J. , who was sent to negotiate a peace between Muscovy and the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth.
Author: Baruch Gurevitz
Publisher: University of Pittsburgh Pre
ISBN: 0822977362
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 136
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Book Description
The Jewish Communist Workers' Party, the Poale Zion, provides a unique perspective on the question of how Marxism and the early Soviet Union dealt with issues of nationalism. According to Bolshevik ideology, when anti-Semitism disappeared in the new Socialist society, Jews would assimilate. In reality, such assimilation would be a very long, slow process. The Poale Zion supported the socialist struggle against oppression and exploitation of classes and nations, but it called for the formation of an international organization that would recognize the right of Jews to emigrate freely to Palestine and work for the creation of a democratic republic where people could retain their national identities and have both autonomy and representation in the union. Gurevitz analyzes the Soviet Poale Zion as representative of Jewish communism as nationalism in its purest form, and he traces the complex contradictions between Jewish nationalism and the Communist ideal of assimilation in the early years of the Soviet Union.
Author:
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Europe, Eastern
Languages : en
Pages : 976
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Book Description
Author:
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Monographic series
Languages : en
Pages : 1858
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Book Description
Vols. for 1980- issued in three parts: Series, Authors, and Titles.
Author: Per Anders Rudling
Publisher: University of Pittsburgh Press
ISBN: 0822979586
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 415
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Book Description
Modern Belarusian nationalism emerged in the early twentieth century during a dramatic period that included a mass exodus, multiple occupations, seven years of warfare, and the partition of the Belarusian lands. In this original history, Per Anders Rudling traces the evolution of modern Belarusian nationalism from its origins in late imperial Russia to the early 1930s. The revolution of 1905 opened a window of opportunity, and debates swirled around definitions of ethnic, racial, or cultural belonging. By March of 1918, a small group of nationalists had declared the formation of a Belarusian People's Republic (BNR), with territories based on ethnographic claims. Less than a year later, the Soviets claimed roughly the same area for a Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR). Belarusian statehood was declared no less than six times between 1918 and 1920. In 1921, the treaty of Riga officially divided the Belarusian lands between Poland and the Soviet Union. Polish authorities subjected Western Belarus to policies of assimilation, alienating much of the population. At the same time, the Soviet establishment of Belarusian-language cultural and educational institutions in Eastern Belarus stimulated national activism in Western Belarus. Sporadic partisan warfare against Polish authorities occurred until the mid-1920s, with Lithuanian and Soviet support. On both sides of the border, Belarusian activists engaged in a process of mythmaking and national mobilization. By 1926, Belarusian political activism had peaked, but then waned when coups d'etats brought authoritarian rule to Poland and Lithuania. The year 1927 saw a crackdown on the Western Belarusian national movement, and in Eastern Belarus, Stalin's consolidation of power led to a brutal transformation of society and the uprooting of Belarusian national communists. As a small group of elites, Belarusian nationalists had been dependent on German, Lithuanian, Polish, and Soviet sponsors since 1915. The geopolitical rivalry provided opportunities, but also liabilities. After 1926, maneuvering this complex and progressively hostile landscape became difficult. Support from Kaunas and Moscow for the Western Belarusian nationalists attracted the interest of the Polish authorities, and the increasingly autonomous republican institutions in Minsk became a concern for the central government in the Kremlin. As Rudling shows, Belarus was a historic battleground that served as a political tool, borderland, and buffer zone between greater powers. Nationalism arrived late, was limited to a relatively small elite, and was suppressed in its early stages. The tumultuous process, however, established the idea of Belarusian statehood, left behind a modern foundation myth, and bequeathed the institutional framework of a proto-state, all of which resurfaced as building blocks for national consolidation when Belarus gained independence in 1991.
Author: B. Dolan
Publisher: Springer
ISBN: 0230288987
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 233
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Book Description
The explorations of eighteenth-century travellers to the 'European frontiers' were often geared to define the cultural, political, and historical boundaries of 'European civilization.' In an age when political revolutions shocked nations into reassessing what separated the civilised from the barbaric, how did literary travellers contemplate the characteristics of their continental neighbours? Focusing on the writings of British travellers, we see how a new view of Europe was created, one that juxtaposed the customs and living conditions of populations in an attempt to define 'modern' Europe against a 'yet unenlightened' Europe.
Author:
Publisher: Jeffrey Frank Jones
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 2427
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Book Description
Over 2,400 total pages ... Russian outrage following the September 2004 hostage disaster at North Ossetia’s Beslan Middle School No.1 was reflected in many ways throughout the country. The 52-hour debacle resulted in the death of some 344 civilians, including more than 170 children, in addition to unprecedented losses of elite Russian security forces and the dispatch of most Chechen/allied hostage-takers themselves. It quickly became clear, as well, that Russian authorities had been less than candid about the number of hostages held and the extent to which they were prepared to deal with the situation. Amid grief, calls for retaliation, and demands for reform, one of the more telling reactions in terms of hardening public perspectives appeared in a national poll taken several days after the event. Some 54% of citizens polled specifically judged the Russian security forces and the police to be corrupt and thus complicit in the failure to deal adequately with terrorism, while 44% thought that no lessons for the future would be learned from the tragedy. This pessimism was the consequence not just of the Beslan terrorism, but the accumulation of years of often spectacular failures by Russian special operations forces (SOF, in the apt US military acronym). A series of Russian SOF counterterrorism mishaps, misjudgments, and failures in the 1990s and continuing to the present have made the Kremlin’s special operations establishment in 2005 appear much like Russia’s old Mir space station—wired together, unpredictable, and subject to sudden, startling failures. But Russia continued to maintain and expand a large, variegated special operations establishment which had borne the brunt of combat actions in Afghanistan, Chechnya, and other trouble spots, and was expected to serve as the nation’s principal shield against terrorism in all its forms. Known since Soviet days for tough personnel, personal bravery, demanding training, and a certain rough or brutal competence that not infrequently violated international human rights norms, it was supposed that Russian special operations forces—steeped in their world of “threats to the state” and associated with once-dreaded military and national intelligence services—could make valuable contributions to countering terrorism. The now widely perceived link between “corrupt” special forces on the one hand, and counterterrorism failures on the other, reflected the further erosion of Russia’s national security infrastructure in the eyes of both Russian citizens and international observers. There have been other, more ambiguous, but equally unsettling dimensions of Russian SOF activity as well, that have strong internal and external political aspects. These constitute the continuing assertions from Russian media, the judicial system, and other Federal agencies and officials that past and current members of the SOF establishment have organized to pursue interests other than those publicly declared by the state or allowed under law. This includes especially the alleged intent to punish by assassination those individuals and groups that they believe have betrayed Russia. The murky nature of these alleged activities has formed a backdrop to other problems in the special units.
