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Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 297
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Book Description
The date of July 15, 2016 is a watershed in the history of democracy as well as in the history of Turkey. On the night of July 15, the world witnessed an exceptional and historic event. The Turkish people heroically stood up against the brutal coup plotters; they became an example for other peoples on how to defend your nation and on what is the real meaning of national self-determination. At the same time, they gave a valuable lesson to the Western governments on how to support a democratically elected government. But more than anything, Turkish people proved to themselves that it is they who decide for themselves, for their future. After all, isn’t that what democracy is all about? The memory of what happened on July 15 will never be erased from the minds and hearts of the people who were in Turkey that night. We all lost someone on the night of July 15 –a mother, a father, a child, a friend or someone that we did not even know but we broke into tears when we saw them giving their life for this country.
Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 297
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Book Description
The date of July 15, 2016 is a watershed in the history of democracy as well as in the history of Turkey. On the night of July 15, the world witnessed an exceptional and historic event. The Turkish people heroically stood up against the brutal coup plotters; they became an example for other peoples on how to defend your nation and on what is the real meaning of national self-determination. At the same time, they gave a valuable lesson to the Western governments on how to support a democratically elected government. But more than anything, Turkish people proved to themselves that it is they who decide for themselves, for their future. After all, isn’t that what democracy is all about? The memory of what happened on July 15 will never be erased from the minds and hearts of the people who were in Turkey that night. We all lost someone on the night of July 15 –a mother, a father, a child, a friend or someone that we did not even know but we broke into tears when we saw them giving their life for this country.
Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 249
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Book Description
After the dismemberment of the Ottoman State, even though it lost a huge territory, Turkey chose not to pursue an irredentist foreign policy, and although it was a continuation of the Ottoman State, it did not want to maintain the Ottoman heritage. Instead the Republic of Turkey preferred to follow a pro status quo and a comprehensive Westernist foreign policy orientation. When the Soviet Union threatened Turkey in the wake of the Second World War, Turkey needed to officially be part of the Western world. Therefore, it had to accept the subordination to the liberal Western world and a dependent relationship with the United States due to the requirements of the bipolar world system. In spite of the vertical nature of this relationship, both sides benefitted from this strong and sustainable alliance relationship. On the one hand, the Western alliance provided security against the Soviet threat, military and economic support, and political advantages to Turkey. On the other hand, the Western countries gained a great deal from Turkey, who served as the most important NATO ally in the southeastern European front and hosted military air bases against threats coming from the east. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, Turkey continued to be a strategic ally of the West. However, after the changes in the global balance of power, the weakening of the American leadership, and the more assertive and competitive foreign policies of other global powers such as Russia and China, Turkey has decided to search for greater autonomy in its region. Furthermore, the Western states’ policies, especially those of the U.S., have forced Turkey to follow a more independent foreign policy in order to be able to counter the increasing political instability in its regions. More specifically, the Western countries have preferred to collaborate with some anti-Turkish regional actors that threaten Turkey’s national security. Especially after the Western support for the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETÖ) and the Syrian branch of PKK (YPG/PYD), both of which are considered as terrorist organizations by Turkey, the credibility of the Western countries has decreased dramatically in Turkey, leaving no other possible choice than questing for a more autonomous foreign policy. Thus, Turkey has begun to take necessary measures to search for a new and high-level status in the international system. Among others, Turkey has diversified its foreign economic relations and increased its material capacity. To this end, Turkey has begun to develop an Ankara-centered foreign policy and to oppose any developments that are detrimental to its national security. Turkey is still determined to maintain its alliance with the Western countries, but demands to revise the relationship, which became anachronic in the light of developments at a regional and global level. In its search for alternative partners and an independent foreign policy, Turkey has improved its relations with Russia, the main alternative challenger and balancer against the Western/American hegemony. For instance, when the Turkish offer to buy Patriots was rejected by the U.S government, Ankara reached a deal with Russia to buy S-400 missile defense systems. For many years now, Turkey has been asking for a comprehensive reformation in the international system and for a more inclusive approach in which multilateral international platforms such as the United Nations play a bigger role. Furthermore, since the July 15, 2016 coup attempt, the power of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) was consolidated. Three successful operations (Operation Euphrates Shield, Operation Olive Branch, and Operation Peace Spring) were undertaken in northern and northeastern Syria and as a result Turkey has strengthened its position in the Syrian conflict and prevented the projections of other actors involved in the crisis, thus indicating that it is a game changer in the region. Moreover, Turkey has recently initiated the Operation Claw in Northern Iraq against the PKK and has sent two drilling ships (Fatih and Yavuz) and one seismic ship (Barbaros) to the Eastern Mediterranean. In short, when forced, Turkey will be able to take unilateral measures to find solutions for the crises it may face in the future. Notwithstanding these developments, in principle, Turkey never questioned its longtime relations with the West. However, despite its membership of Western regional organizations like NATO, relationship with the Council of Europe and its EU membership process, the Western perception of Turkey has been extremely negative, and Western countries continue to take measures against Ankara. Fearing a loss control over Turkey, the Western powers have been trying to prevent Turkey’s quest for autonomy and punish any step taken in this regard. Furthermore, they have attempted to create an anti-Turkish regional bloc to contain Turkey’s regional effectiveness, i.e. the most recent rapprochement between Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt. Lastly, Western countries consistently support anti-Turkish forces in the region, including terrorist groups. It should also be noted that, at a time of multi-dimensional and multi-layered global threats and challenges, there is a high level of interdependency between Turkey and its NATO allies. European defense still starts from Turkey, especially when it comes to international terrorism and international migration. Therefore, it is very difficult to initiate a paradigm shift in Turkish-West relations. The only way for both sides to overcome the conflictual issues is to accept the new realities and to redefine the alliance relations. On the one hand, the Western countries should accept the new role that Turkey is determined to play in its regions and take the Turkish security concerns into attention. On the other hand, Turkey needs to continue its contributions to the NATO operations and to challenge the threats emanating from the Middle East, since Ankara cannot confront the regional threats by itself. This new issue of Insight Turkey showcases the emergence of Turkey as a regional power in the changing international system and aims to guide readers through the assortment of obstacles within Turkey’s foreign policy and how Turkey’s new diplomacy has navigated the nation to a whole new international arena. Turkey, in a volatile region, has plumbed the depths of autonomy in its foreign policy for the last decade and this has resulted in trouble with Turkey’s strategic and NATO ally, the United States. Ali Balcı’s commentary elucidates the quest of Turkey’s autonomy in the Middle East, where the collaboration with Russia and Iran consolidates its quest. Considering Turkey’s partnership with different actors for more autonomy, Balcı elaborates that the interests of Turkey and the U.S. are clashing in a region, where Turkey is a subordinate actor. The Syrian civil war has been a cardinal phenomenon having defined Turkey’s relationships with its NATO ally, the U.S., and its neighbor and successor of the Soviet Union, Russia. William Hale canonically expounds how the U.S. has condoned Turkey’s security concerns, thereby allowing Turkey to work with Russia in order to ward off the eminent threats emerging from Syria such as ISIS and YPG/PKK. Furthermore, this commentary suggests the tense relationship between Turkey and the U.S. not be taken at face value. As mentioned early, Turkey has been asking for a comprehensive reformation in the international system. The famous motto: “The world is bigger than five,” made famous by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan highlights the increasing need to reform the international system in favor of justice and fair representation for all members of the UN. The lack of social, economic, or humanitarian elements practiced within global governance continues to divide nations between the ‘center’ and ‘periphery.’ Berdal Aral delves deeper into the meaning of this motto and how domestically this idea emerged with the AK Party’s use of morality in governance and connecting more international ties to poorer countries in Asia and Africa. President Erdoğan envisages a more just multipolar world against the damage being done from the privileged few on the Security Council, by reintroducing necessary reforms advocating for peace over power. The relationship between Russia and Turkey has been steadily improving since the fall of the Soviet Union. As cooperation continues to increase, a few hard internal and external challenges have tested whether the relationship between these two great powers can persevere over differing interests. The military-strategic threats these countries face is the main driving force maneuvering these two nations’ relationships. The greatest of these came in 2015 with the downing of the Russian SU-24 bomber aircraft over its violations of Turkish airspace, this example alone caused geopolitical escalations that were crucial to resolve diplomatically. Resolution has been found with partnership in Syria and over arms trade as Turkey sees Russia as a path of diversification away from the West. In this regard, Şener Aktürk explores the various challenges endured and the reaction Russia had to the various threats Turkey has faced in recent years. The Eastern Mediterranean has remained one of the main focus areas of international attention due to the abundant amount of gas reserves around the Levant and island of Cyprus. Lately, Turkey has made sure to show its presence in the region at a time when energy security here has been an increasing issue as global actors compete over resources in the area. Mehmet Efe Biresselioglu discusses Turkey’s position in the contested energy-rich region as it continues to secure its interests in North Cyprus and diversify its own energy. As Turkey maximizes its energy potential, the reactions from surrounding states and the EU has hindered any sense of fair resolution to all regional parties. The unresolved dispute over Cyprus and respect for territorial sovereignty continues to be an ongoing dilemma that can see constructive progress made if Turkey is seen as a strategic partner, and not a part of the problem. The Turkish Lira suffered one of its most severe economic shocks in 2018, sending waves of uncertainty of Turkey’s economic potential worldwide. Among speculation as to what factors inhibit economic shocks on the Turkish market, Nurullah Gür, Mevlüt Tatlıyer, and Şerif Dilek address the view that geopolitical issues and slowed down reform measures are the main culprits to the depreciation. With the decline of the currency against the dollar, the Turkish government swiftly set to decrease the inflation rate and instill real sector reforms with a developmentalist approach to remedy the situation. Turkey continues to develop financial alternatives with reducing reliance on imports and growing in the export market, learning to safeguard against economic shocks has been a testing ground for the Turkish economy in recent years. Murat Ülgül introduces the importance of personal diplomacy, and how it is an effective tool in the modern world, thus making it no surprise that it has increased in practice within Turkey. Ülgül contends that personal diplomacy explains Turkey’s foreign policy better as it is most effective in crisis periods, when there is dominant leadership, and when the political leader is confident about his/her ability to shape policies, all of which are applicable in Turkey. Turkish judiciary faced its biggest crisis on the night of July 15, 2016 during the coup attempt organized by FETÖ members who wanted to bring down the democratically elected government. They, however, did not succeed owing to the sturdy resistance of prosecutors and judges who were determined to uphold the rule of law against the coup-plotters. A prominent lawyer, Hüseyin Aydın, clarifies how the Turkish judiciary has even-handedly conducted the prosecution process since the night of July 15. Convulsed by unrest, Iran has returned to the center of the world’s attention. Farhad Rezaei explores Iran’s aim towards increasing their militarization, as a means of survival even at the cost of destabilizing its regional neighbors, and international discomfort. Dividing Iran’s military doctrine between ideological-political and military-technological, Iran propagates its own notion as an Islamic protectorate and compensates for its military shortcomings, like its relatively weak air force, by bolstering its ballistic sector. To measure Iran’s military-technology by taking inventory of Iran’s military weaponry shows that they are at a disadvantage in the international realm. Therefore, they frequently resort to asymmetrical warfare with the use of proxy groups and cyberwarfare, where they have found limited success. While Iran is likely to continue to develop its weaponry, it is disadvantaged by richer neighbors partnered with America, economic sanctions, and the fact that its intentions on growth are seen more as a threat than domestic development. The last piece of this issue brings attention to the Kashmir Crisis –a simmering conflict– which has long been glossed over by many countries and international organizations yet, it has to be addressed due to the human rights violations in the region. The Public Safety Act, which is a preventive detention law and required to comply with the international law, is used as a political tool to realize the objectives of authorities rather than its advocated primary aim of detaining people. Mohmad Aabit Bhat sheds a light on the covert intentions of the law, which has been “enforced” in the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir, with a discursive approach. These past years have been a challenging test for Turkish diplomacy, as fluctuating relationships and conflicting interests have been at the foreground, whether it’s in the warzone of Syria or on the international stage at the UN. Insight Turkey’s last issue for 2019 “Turkey’s New Foreign Policy: A Quest for Autonomy” analyses how Turkey with great stamina has proven that it is a strong cooperative player and balancer between the polarities of the world, as a voice for the oppressed and a pillar of strength among the dominant forces in the world.
Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 256
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Book Description
Germany, who challenged the British and its allies twice in the first half of the 20th century, began to reemerge as a global political power and to play the “big game” in the wake of the Cold War. As the strongest economy and the most crowded country in the European Union (EU), Germany has decided to lead the EU institutions and the old continent in global platforms. Especially after the reunification of the country, Germany started to dominate European politics. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of Cold War politics, Germany prompted the European countries to pursue a more independent foreign policy. Getting rid of the Soviet threat, Germany no longer needs NATO and the U.S. protection. As a result we see a Germany which has initiated a multidimensional and multilateral foreign policy orientation in order to improve its worldwide national interests.
Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 272
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“Trump’s America” – The Latest Issue of Insight Turkey Is Published In this issue, Insight Turkey, deals with the events in world politics with the interpretation of Turkish and foreign authors. The issue discusses how U.S. President Donald Trump won the presidential election, and the changes and challenges that Trump brought to the U.S. domestic and foreign policy. Inderjeet Parmar, Lütfi Sunar and Tuncay Kardaş focus on the internal issues that the U.S. is facing under the Trump Presidency. Parmar addresses the legitimacy crisis of the American elite while Sunar emphasizes the effectiveness of Trump's election campaign by alienating Muslims living in the United States. On the other hand, Kardaş examines Trump's victory in the 2016 Presidential Election in the context of cultural, political and structural factors. Moving towards the international affairs, Mustafa Kibaroğlu and Tom Sauer justify why Trump should remove the nuclear weapons form Europe, while Andreas Krieg and Samuel S. Kim analyze the U.S.’ foreign policies towards the Middle East and China, respectively. This issue of Insight Turkey also examines some current events in the world politics. Abdallah Marouf Omar examines the resistance Palestinian Muslims have given on the restrictions imposed by the Israeli forces regarding the entrance in the al-Aqsa Mosque. Moreover, Talip Küçükcan reviews the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative project and the main opportunities and challenges that the participatory states will face in context of the Middle East. Emrah Kekilli scrutinizes the Libyan crisis and how regional and global actors have been a big influence on the instability Libya has faced in this period. By focusing on the main elements of both the Gülen structure and Kemalism, Çaylak ve Dinç, make a comparison between these two. Lastly, Hamza Preljević evaluates the results of the Serbian genocide in Bosnia and the efforts of religious communities to provide peace and security in a divided society, with a special focus on the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina We trust that our readers will find this issue informative and constructive!
Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 217
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Book Description
The Syrian Crisis, the bloodiest front of the Arab uprisings and one of the main determinants of policies of regional and global powers, has been dominating international politics for the last five years. Having caused the death of more than 300 thousand civilians and forced relocation of more than 7 million Syrians, it is one of the direst international problems that the global powers must deal with. It began as a local issue, but after a very short period of time it morphed into a proxy war between regional and global powers. “Redlines” drawn by regional and global actors were crossed, yet there has been no tangible reaction to these violations. Among others, chemical weapons were used, crimes against humanity were committed, fundamental human rights were repeatedly violated. Over time, the crisis has revealed limitations and maladies of the actors involved.
Author:
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 321
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Book Description
The European Union is a success story. It brought enemy countries together, combined their powers, fostered economic and social development, successfully competed with the American market and also resisted against the Soviet expansionism. As the most developed supranational international organization in modern history, the EU maintained Europe at the center of world politics. With the end of the Cold War, the member states attempted to transform the organization from an economic institution into a political and military structure having the ultimate goal to create a federal state-like institution. However, after unexpected changes in the global system and the emergence of new political actors, the EU began to experience many difficulties. As a result, today the EU is in a political deadlock and it seems that the continental unity achieved by the EU has begun to shatter. The reasons behind this are several. First of all, increasing illiberalism and authoritarianism in the West began to threaten the main liberal values that provide the expedient environment for social development and also for peaceful coexistence. The increase of xenophobia, racism, fascism, ultra-nationalism, and anti-Islamism uncovered the illiberal European traditions. As a result we now witness a division not only between Europeans and non-Europeans, but also between Europeans themselves. Namely, there are many fault lines, which divide and alienate the European countries from one another. For instance, there is an increasing friction between relatively robust economies of the north and volatile economies of the south. Second, the member states of the EU have lost their common other/enemy. Throughout the Cold War most European countries stood behind the U.S. in order to struggle against all global and regional threats such as the spread of communism and the expansionism of the Soviet Union. However, today European countries have different national priorities. For instance, while some European countries have begun to spend more in their defense budget, others refuse to increase their defense allocation and continue to prioritize economic development. A similar division can be seen in terms of the stance towards Russia. Third, the future of the EU is closely associated with the future of NATO. Maintaining the unity in military and security issues requires cooperation in other sectors, especially in the economy. Many European countries are not happy with what the U.S. does regarding NATO. The Trump Administration has been following a nationalist, unilateral and therefore conflictual economic policy towards Europe. Considering the European trade surplus with the U.S, Trump declared Europe “as bad as China.” These developments have further deepened the gap between the EU and the U.S. Fourth, the EU institutionalization was at its peak after the collapse of the Cold War system and the EU enlargement towards Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, it faced important challenges stemming from new topics such as defense and foreign policy, and the accession of possible new members. Following the accession of Eastern European states, the gap between the most advanced members and relatively less developed states widened. Consequently, the EU lost its attractiveness for many European states and the British, who did not want to share the burden of other member states, decided to leave the EU. This was the first step towards disintegration of the EU and this backward tendency will most probably continue. Fifth, due to increasing shallowness and mediocrity, European politics has lost its visionary outlook and strategic depth. The new generation of European politicians on the whole lack the visionary outlook of the previous generations. They are trapped in conjuncture and populist policies with short-term concerns or gains. That is, they just try to save the day. This new political elite in Europe does not believe in EU values such as pluralism and the win-win strategy. Some EU members are reluctant to share the burden of other members. Southern tier EU countries have been experiencing economic problems and struggling against the influx of refugees, but the northern tier countries are relatively free of these problems and do not want to import these issues into their domestic politics. Last but not least, European countries have been otherizing migrants and foreigners. In this context Turkey has been considered as the main ‘other’ for many years. It seems that when it comes to Turkey, the EU institutions and member countries freeze most of their differences and problems, and prioritize Turkey’s domestic and foreign developments. The new generation of politicians welcomes the increase of ultra-nationalism, fascism, racism, xenophobia, anti-Islamism and anti-Turkism. Even mainstream politicians have begun to normalize this tendency and as such the animosity against Islam and Turkey is becoming widespread all over Europe. With these in mind, this new issue of Insight Turkey aims at providing a general framework regarding some of the most important issues that have a direct impact on the future of the EU, including here: German hegemony after Brexit, cyber security, EU relations with Turkey and the U.S. and the rise of the radical right. Simon Bulmer’s commentary focuses on the sources of German hegemony within the EU after Brexit to later suggest two possible scenarios, namely the Franco-German partnership’s revival or a form of German hegemony. André Barrinha, in his commentary, touches upon a very interesting topic that has gained a lot of importance lately. Cyber security has emerged as the focus of many western organizations, especially for the EU as they perceive Russia as a direct threat in cyberspace. In this context, Barrinha analyzes the response of the EU to the Russian threat and its effectiveness. Trump’s arrival has created a lot of chaos in the world and we witness the decomposition of liberal values every day. In such an environment, U.S.-EU alliance is facing many difficulties and the cracks are becoming more visible. Kılıç Buğra Kanat has presented a brief analysis on the transatlantic relations and contends that unpredictability is now considered the defining characteristic of the U.S. attitude toward Europe. Remaining within the context of the transatlantic relations, Şafak Oğuz’s article focuses on the missile defense system of NATO, entitled the EPAA and argues that it is one of the key regional missile defense projects for the U.S., which claims to protect Europe from the Iranian ballistic missile threat but actually is designed to protect the American homeland, and targets Russian Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles with nuclear warheads. The standoff in the Turkey-EU relations has been present for some years now. By focusing on the topic of the customs union, Ciğdem Nas and Serdar Altay, present a brief analysis and suggestions for a possible new agreement between Turkey and the EU. In her commentary, Çiğdem Nas, contends that the upgrade of the customs union could bring a breath of fresh air to Turkey-EU relations and reignite the process of Turkey’s gradual integration into the EU. While arguing on the necessity of the upgrade of the customs union, Altay states that since membership is no longer an option, the sole contractual framework that will bind Turkey and the EU for the foreseeable future will be an upgraded customs union. As mentioned above, the rise of the far right constitutes a serious threat to European unity and as a result, to the EU itself. In the light of this, Aristotle Kallis addresses the EU’s policies toward the rising far right and argues that the EU needs to take into consideration the causes of citizen resentment without adopting the language and logic of the right wing populists. The article of Sertan Akbaba provides a more detailed analysis of the now dominant discourses in Europe used by the leaders of the far right parties, mainly in Netherlands, Finland, Italy and Hungary. The main targets of these populist discourses have been the Muslim people living in the European countries, for this reason in this issue we bring to our readers two compelling perspectives. On the one hand, Pamela Irving Jackson and Pete Doerschler provide qualitative and quantitative evidence of European identification by Muslims in France, Austria and the Netherlands as a response to the far right political mobilization. On the other hand, Enes Bayraklı, Farid Hafez and Léonard Faytre evaluate how the governments in Austria, France and Germany have tried to assimilate the Muslims living in these states via specific laws and institutions. According to them, the underlying message of these policies is the fact that European states consider the Muslims a security threat to the state and society. The weakening and defeat of ISIS will ironically have a negative impact on European security. This is what Kyle Orton has argued in his article. After providing a detailed analysis of the terrorist organization PKK and its offshoots, Orton explains how the foreign fighters that fought in Syria against ISIS are now going back in their homelands, mainly Europe, becoming a serious threat to its security. Hakan Samur in his article evaluates the stance of the Kurdish people living in Turkey towards Turkey’s membership of the EU. Based on the research field that the author has conducted, Samur concludes by saying that while the Kurds are somewhat distrustful and skeptical toward the EU, they continue to support EU membership. The Balkans is one of the most important regions within Europe and it has a direct impact on European security, economy and policies. However, for a long time people living in this region have fought each other. In response to this, Mirsad Kriještorac, in optimistic tones, argues that in order to move past the enmity that has characterized the Balkans, it is necessary to display the region’s religious and ethnic diversity as an inherent quality, and a building block of cooperation and progress. Lastly, this issue of Insight Turkey brings an analysis of the June 24 elections in Turkey from the pen of Fahrettin Altun. After approximately one year since the Turkish people approved the transition to the presidential system in the April 16 referendum, in a consolidated majority Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became the first president of the new Turkey. For those interested in Turkish politics, Altun’s commentary provides a general background to the new presidential system, the electoral campaign of the parties that participated in the elections and the impact that the results of these elections will have on Turkish politics. In conclusion, internal and external threats have weakened the EU and its political discourse of pluralism and peaceful coexistence. Furthermore, continental and global conjunctures are also at work against the principles of the EU. For this reason, it is possible that one questions the effectiveness and future of the EU. We are confident that this issue of Insight Turkey provides in depth information on important issues that are directly related to the EU and should be read carefully by anyone interested in the EU policies and its future.
Author: Margaret Schaack
Publisher: Georgetown University Press
ISBN: 1626163871
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 94
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Book Description
The Georgetown Journal of International Affairs is the official publication of the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Each issue of the journal provides readers with a diverse array of timely, peer-reviewed content penned by top policymakers, business leaders, and academic luminaries.
Author: Abdallah Imam Haruna
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 312
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Book Description
Africa has long been a focal point of global competition, driven by its young, dynamic population and abundant natural resources. The shifting international order has further intensified the presence of both global and regional powers on the continent. In this context, Türkiye has distinguished itself by adopting a unique approach, the model partnership, emphasizing strategic partnerships and a human-centered, development-driven strategy. This approach has garnered significant attention, positioning Türkiye as a key actor in shaping Africa’s future and fostering sustainable, mutually beneficial relationships. Türkiye has taken significant steps in recent years to strengthen its relations with Africa and play a more active role. In this context, Türkiye’s Africa policy is gradually developing with positive momentum. Türkiye’s Africa policy is addressed in a wide range of economic, diplomatic, military, defense, security, intelligence, cultural and humanitarian dimensions. Although the African continent is addressed as a holistic policy, it has various regional and sub-regional systems. In this context, first of all, North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa are evaluated as two main regions with different strategic priorities in Türkiye’s policy development processes. Therefore, Sub-Saharan Africa is divided into various regional systems such as West Africa, East Africa, Southern Africa, Central Africa, and the Sahel Belt. Indeed, each region of Sub-Saharan Africa has differences, such as separate dynamics, cultural structures, historical experiences, civilizations, ethnic structures, and social dynamics. Apart from this, each region also has its sub-regional systems. In this context, sub-regional systems such as the Horn of Africa, the Rift Valley, the Great Lakes Region and the Lake Chad Basin stand out in pursuing more strategic policies. Türkiye strives to offer region-specific solutions that take into account local dynamics by following different strategies in these regions and sub-regional systems as needed. In this context, the strategies developed by Türkiye for each region in Africa include an approach that emphasizes the need to take regional differences into account and is based on cooperation with local partners and the local people of each country. This situation allows Türkiye to establish more effective, long-term and sustainable relations by taking into account the dynamics in Africa. Although Türkiye’s relations with the African continent continued at a certain level throughout the Republican period, these relations were generally limited and low-profile. However, in the last twenty years, visionary and effective steps have begun to be taken in Türkiye’s Africa policy. During this period, Türkiye adopted a comprehensive strategy to strengthen and diversify its relations with the continent and has made significant progress in economic cooperation, humanitarian aid, diplomatic representation, and security policies. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stands out as a driving force in Türkiye’s increasing engagement towards Africa. At the same time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) is the primary manager and implementer of the Africa policy. The active duties of the experienced diplomats of the Turkish Foreign Ministry in Africa for the last twenty years have made it possible to implement and coordinate Türkiye’s Africa policy successfully. Apart from these actors at the core, Türkiye’s Africa policy has a wide range of institutions and tools. These institutions and tools consist of elements that can be combined as smart power. In addition, institutional platforms also have an essential place in Türkiye’s relations with Africa. In this context, the “Türkiye-Africa Partnership Summit,” which was last held for the third time in 2021, the “Türkiye-Africa Media Summit” organized by the Presidency’s Directorate of Communications in 2022, and the “Türkiye-Africa Business and Economy Forum,” which was last held for the fourth time in 2023, are essential platforms. In addition, the strong participation of African countries in the third Antalya Diplomacy Forum (ADF) held last year shows that Türkiye’s diplomatic relations with the countries of the continent are deepening and the importance given to Türkiye’s Africa policy is increasing, as well as the interest of African countries in Türkiye. By making its relations with African countries more visible on such multilateral platforms Türkiye strengthens its interactions and engagement with different regions of the continent and reinforces its positive image towards Africa in the international arena. In this context, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) plays an active role in the continent with humanitarian aid and development projects, while the Turkish Maarif Foundation (TMV) operates in the field of education, the African Culture House and Handicrafts Market (Africa Culture House), established in 2016 under the patronage of First Lady Emine Erdoğan, and the Yunus Emre Institute (YEE) operate within the framework of cultural diplomacy. In addition, institutions such as the Turkish Religious Foundation (TDV) and the Turkish Red Crescent carry out work to increase the quality of life for the local population with humanitarian aid and social support projects. Furthermore, Turkish Airlines (THY), which brings the continent together with the world, and media organizations such as Anadolu Agency (AA) and TRT Afrika, which make the continent’s voice heard to the world, allow Türkiye’s principled model to be introduced to the world and the “Türkiye” brand to expand its sphere of influence. In Türkiye’s Africa policy, investments by the Turkish private sector and the presence of the business world on the continent also play an important role. In this context, investment and trade forums through business organizations and chambers of commerce, primarily the Foreign Economic Relations Board (DEİK), strengthen Türkiye’s economic and trade relations. In addition, Türkiye has the advantage of not having a colonial past and its own unique “Turkish Model” (model partnership) in its policies towards the continent. The Turkish Model covers many different areas, such as humanitarian aid, development cooperation, security cooperation, cultural diplomacy, education, and capacity building. As stated above, Africa stands out as a continent that attracts the attention of global powers with its young and dynamic population, rich natural resources, and strategic location. In this context, Türkiye aims to contribute to regional development and strengthen its interests by acting within the framework of the win-win and equal partnership principles in its relations with the continent. The multifaceted relations that Türkiye has developed in diplomatic and economic terms also aim to contribute to the peace and stability of the continent. In this direction, the Turkish Model offers a model based on cooperation and mutual benefit, unlike the competitive and generally unilateral policies of other actors in the continent. Furthermore, Türkiye aims to support sustainable development in Africa by adopting a long-term partnership perspective instead of achieving short-term results with humanitarian aid and development projects. In addition, approaches to peace and stability on the continent, cooperation, and sharing of experiences are also developing a different relationship between Türkiye and African countries. In particular, the instabilities experienced in Türkiye’s recent history and the fight against terrorism, as well as the most recent coup attempt on July 15, 2016, have caused Türkiye to transform its security policies in many areas. Especially after July 15, Türkiye has taken a determined stance against all threats it perceives domestically and beyond its borders and increased the operational capacity of its military. This situation has enabled Türkiye to successfully emerge from the struggle it has entered into with actors who aimed to confine Türkiye to its geography or even only within its borders and to focus its energy on domestic politics. Therefore, the experiences Türkiye has gained in this process and also in its relations with African countries, have closely followed the breakthroughs it has made in the context of the defense industry. Türkiye has restructured its security and defense policies over a wide range, from internal security to cross-border operations, and has begun to share its experiences in this area with African countries. Türkiye’s transfer of its experience in ensuring security and stability to African countries is not limited to military and defense cooperation. There is also information and experience sharing in areas such as combating terrorism, preventing radicalization, and restructuring the security sector. Türkiye organizes military training, security consultancy, and police training with many African countries, especially Somalia, thus strengthening local security structures. In addition, Türkiye’s counter-terrorism strategies and security reforms are a source of inspiration for many African countries, and Türkiye’s experiences have a positive impact on the continent. While these security cooperations of Türkiye increase mutual trust in its relations with the countries of the continent, they also contribute to Türkiye’s positioning as a regional security actor. Within this framework it can be stated that Türkiye’s presence, especially in regions under threat from instability and terrorism, such as the Horn of Africa and the Sahel Region, makes significant contributions to international efforts to ensure peace and security. Türkiye aims to increase the welfare of the local population and support regional stability through diplomatic initiatives and humanitarian aid projects carried out in these regions. Deepening Türkiye’s relations with Africa is of critical importance in terms of both economic development and increasing its influence in the international arena. In this context, the main objective of Türkiye’s Africa policy is to contribute to the continent’s economic development while diversifying Türkiye’s strategic partnerships and becoming a more effective actor on a global scale. In its relations with Africa, Türkiye is not limited to trade and investment but also to cooperating in areas such as ensuring security and stability, humanitarian aid, and education, thus reinforcing its presence on the continent. In particular, security cooperation projects and military training programs developed to contribute to Africa’s peace and security demonstrate Türkiye’s commitment to the stability of the continent. Africa is becoming increasingly central to Türkiye’s strategic priorities. Indeed, in our age, where the “Century of Türkiye” and the “African Century” are being experienced together, the vision put forward by Türkiye in its African policy will lay the foundations for a strong and mutually beneficial cooperation between Türkiye and African countries and will contribute to the further strengthening of these relations in the future. This edition of Insight Turkey delves into the intricacies of Türkiye-Africa relations within the framework of regional organizations and bilateral engagements, with a focus on the historical backdrop and recent advancements in Türkiye’s Africa policy. Furthermore, the current edition of Insight Turkey touches upon the ongoing massacre in Gaza, that commenced on October 7, aiming to scrutinize the latest developments and multifaceted aspects of the escalating conflict. With this understanding, this issue contains eight research articles and five commentaries, three of which are off-topic. In the first commentary, Ibrahim Mulushewa Eshete discusses Türkiye’s increasing importance and its focus on the East African region and its relations with international organizations such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the East African Community (EAC), examining the opportunities and challenges that characterize its interactions with these regions, assessing the potential benefits and areas of friction in advancing these partnerships. In the subsequent commentary, Patrick Maluki and Anwar Abdifatah Bashir analyze the evolution and impact of terrorist networks in the Horn of Africa, with a particular emphasis on Somalia and its surrounding region. Additionally, they underscore the necessity of a multifaceted approach to counter-terrorism that integrates military, political, and diplomatic strategies to address both the immediate security threats and the underlying causes of extremism. In the first research article, Mesut Özcan and Mehmet Köse delve into the core elements shaping Türkiye’s African outreach from a historical perspective. They evaluate Türkiye’s Africa policy decision-making process, emphasizing a bipartisan, autonomous, rational and pragmatic approach, as well as the principles of mutual approval. Additionally, the authors argue that mutual recognition and respect play a vital role in Türkiye’s Africa policy, positively impacting its relations with African countries and fostering substantial partnerships. In the next research article, Tunç Demirtaş and Ferhat Pirinççi argue that Türkiye’s Africa policy is shaped by a comprehensive, pragmatic, multi-dimensional, and multi-stakeholder strategy and a collaborative approach that is well-matched to the needs of the region. In their study, the authors aim to examine security relations in Sub-Saharan Africa from a constructivist perspective, focusing on the sub-regions of East Africa, West Africa, and the Sahel Belt. Demirtaş and Pirinççi, who claim that Türkiye’s security cooperation in Sub-Saharan Africa encompasses a holistic strategy that goes beyond purely military ties and supports regional peace and stability, emphasize that Türkiye is significantly strengthening its position in Sub-Saharan Africa and contributing to the regional security architecture by developing and strengthening these efforts. Then, Kaan Devecioğlu analyses Türkiye’s humanitarian diplomacy and development cooperation strategies towards Africa within a theoretical and conceptual framework and assesses their impact and importance on the continent. Devecioğlu emphasizes that Türkiye’s humanitarian diplomacy strategy based on mutual benefit and sustainable development goals has effectively increased its positive image and influence in Africa. In a similar vein, Gökhan Kavak focuses on media relations within the scope of Türkiye’s multifaceted policy in Africa. Kavak aims to address the transformation of the press and media in Africa and examine Türkiye’s initiatives in the African media landscape, particularly since 2005. Arguing that Türkiye has taken various initiatives in the media sector, especially since 2008, and that these relations have shown an upward trend until the 2020s, the author claims that more steps need to be taken, especially in areas such as the employment of African media professionals, cooperation in the media sector, and the production of more content related to Africa. In our subsequent research articles, the authors mostly evaluate the continent with regional organizations. While Abdullah Imam Haruna touches upon Türkiye-Africa relations with the continental organization, the African Union (AU) and the sub-regional organization the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Ahmed Badawi Mustapha completes the missing dimension of Türkiye’s relations with West Africa by addressing Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali, which have left ECOWAS in a complementary manner. In his research article, Haruna examines Türkiye’s changing foreign policy approach towards Sub-Saharan African regional blocs, with particular emphasis on their political, cultural, and economic aspects. He stresses that Türkiye’s strategic engagement with influential regional organizations such as the AU and ECOWAS, among others, reflects its broader ambition to expand its influence and develop multifaceted partnerships across the African continent. On the other hand, Ahmed Badawi Mustapha evaluates Türkiye’s relations with the newly established Alliance of Sahel States (AES), consisting of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, within the boundaries of security engagements, economic connections, and humanitarian/cultural interactions. Starting to focus on bilateral relations, Zainul Abiddeen Jibril examines the partnership between Nigeria and Türkiye, two countries that have had significant official diplomatic relations since 1960 but whose historical ties date back much further. Considering the economic cooperation between Nigeria and Türkiye, Jibril noted that their shared strategic partnership has fostered a significant development of bilateral trade between them, while also asserting that another critical dimension of their partnership is defense cooperation with Türkiye, which is increasingly becoming an important security partner. The author also claims that the humanitarian and socio-cultural aspects of their partnership facilitate the further development of their relationship. Lastly, Hasan Aydın and Yi Liu argue that the African continent, which has become the focal point of international relations today, attracts the attention of external actors with various approaches and causes rising international competition in the continent. In this context, the authors aim to answer the questions of what are the differences between traditional and alternative approaches, what are the main factors shaping China’s and Türkiye’s alternative approaches to Africa, and what are the practical similarities in Beijing and Ankara’s approaches to African countries by addressing the similarities between Türkiye’s and Türkiye’s alternative approaches to Africa. In conclusion, in their study, Aydın and Liu argue that China and Türkiye, despite some differences in their relations with the continental countries, have an alternative stance to the Western-centric approach in African competition. In addition, we feature three off-topic commentaries focusing on the recent developments in Gaza and the Middle East region. Firstly, Ramzy Baroud claimed that Africa, in contrast to many Arab states, has taken steps towards internationalizing the issue by raising its voice against the ongoing massacre since October 7, and that these initiatives have subsequently been supported by South American states. Based on this argument, the author analyzes the evolution of the Global South’s solidarity with Palestine since the establishment of Israel, focusing more on the African continent in his commentary. Secondly, Sadık Abu Amr addresses the impact of Hamas’ internal decisions and their impact on foreign relations and the regional changes the movement will cause, following the assassination of former Hamas Political Bureau head Ismail Haniyeh and the election of Yahya Sinwar as the new Hamas leader. Last but not least, Barbara Slavin examines the reasons behind Iran’s decision not to immediately retaliate against Israel following the assassination of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31, 2024, and considers how the ongoing war will impact U.S.-Iran relations and the new opportunities and challenges that the Gaza war poses for Iran. Overall, the current edition of Insight Turkey undertakes a comprehensive examination of Türkiye’s Africa policy, encompassing bilateral, regional, continental, and global perspectives, with a specific focus on the past two decades. Additionally, in the context of the ongoing Gaza conflict in the Middle East, we are pleased to present three off-topic commentaries that offer an in-depth analysis of recent developments pertaining to Gaza and the wider region. In this special edition, our objective is to furnish our readers with valuable insights through comprehensive deliberations and a range of perspectives on the aforementioned subjects.
Author: Robert O. Freedman
Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 1000751767
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 309
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Book Description
Examining Benjamin Netanyahu’s more than a decade-long period as Israel’s Prime Minister, this important book evaluates the domestic politics and foreign policy of Israel from 2009-2019. This comprehensive study assesses Israel’s main political parties, highlights the special position in Israel of Israel’s Arab, Russian and religious communities, appraises Netanyahu’s stewardship of Israel’s economy, and analyzes Israel’s foreign relations. The scholars contributing to the volume are leading experts from both Israel and the United States and represent a broad spectrum of viewpoints on Israeli politics and foreign policy. The case studies cover the Likud party, the non-religious opposition parties such as Labor, Meretz, and Yesh Atid, the Arab parties, the religious parties and the Russian-based Yisrael B’Aliyah party, and present analyses of the ups and downs of Israel’s relations with the United States, the American Jewish Community, Iran, Europe, the Palestinians, the Arab World, Russia, China, India, and Turkey as well as Israel’s challenges in dealing with terrorism. Another highlight of the book is an assessment of Netanyahu’s leadership of the Likud party, which seeks to answer the question as to whether Netanyahu is a pragmatist interested in a peace deal with the Palestinians or an ideologue who wants Israel to hold on to the West Bank as well as all of Jerusalem. This volume will be of interest to readers who wish to understand the dynamics of Israel during Benjamin Netanyahu’s time as Prime Minister and are interested in the history and politics of Israel and the Middle East.
Author: Mahmood Monshipouri
Publisher: Oxford University Press
ISBN: 0197674518
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 446
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Book Description
Since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the normalisation of relations between Iran and America has appeared unrealistic if not inconceivable, given that the Iranian state has vigorously pursued an anti-American ideology. This account of US-Iranian relations examines the efficacy of external pressure such as sanctions, as well as domestic grassroots reform movements within the Islamic Republic. The Obama presidency marked a rare high point in the Washington-Tehran relationship, as negotiations between the two countries and other powers produced an unprecedented nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. However, the Trump administration's unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA, and re-imposition of new sanctions in pursuit of "maximum pressure," had devastating economic consequences, undermining the Iranian middle class, which has consistently been the voice of political moderation and supported Iran's integration into the global economy. Crucially, sanctions have also driven Iran further into the arms of China, while rendering it an even more recalcitrant and aggressive adversary. Monshipouri's central conviction is that negotiations are pivotal to dismantling the mistrust that has long characterised US-Iranian relations, and to seeking détente between Iran and its Arab neighbours--a critical priority, since gradual US withdrawal from the region is all but certain.
