Author: H. P. Klepak
Publisher: Kingston, Ont. : Centre for International Relations, Queen's University
ISBN:
Category : Spain
Languages : en
Pages : 254

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Author: Hal P. Klepak
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 223

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Author: Harold Philip Klepak
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Spain
Languages : en
Pages : 224

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Author: Hal P. Klepak
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 224

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Author: Carolyn S. Lowry
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages :

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ABSTRACT: While historians have gone to great efforts in studying the belligerent powers during the First World War, very little attention has been paid to such neutral powers as Spain. Several European nations declared neutrality in 1914, but many strayed from this course in favor of active belligerence. Spain, however, remained neutral for the war's duration; thus, this thesis examines and explores the nature of Spanish neutrality during the First World War. Spain's decision to adhere to a neutral policy required serious consideration as it had to weigh the consequences and advantages of intervention; however, military and economic weakness, as well as diplomatic isolation pushed Spain towards neutrality. Some hoped by abstaining from involvement, their country would emerge at the war's end as the arbiter of peace, enabling Spain to regain prestige and reestablish itself as a major continental power. However, neutrality proved to be a difficult undertaking because Spain could not escape the hardships and effects of a continental war. As domestic crises enveloped the country, a divided public aligned itself into Francophiles and Germanophiles. Escalating domestic issues became exacerbated by diplomatic conflicts resulting from the German submarine warfare campaign, which challenged Spain's neutrality policy. Thus, Spain found itself in a precarious position during the war. While recognizing the necessity to maintain neutrality, it suffered serious consequences for its decision. It did not emerge from the war as an arbiter of peace, but suffered diplomatic humiliation over its failure to overcome the German submarine threat. The government's focus on foreign policy led its leaders to ignore the growing domestic discontent, which further destabilized an already unsteady government. As a result, governments rose and fell as all proved incapable of resolving Spain's ever-increasing problems. The case of Spain in the First World War demonstrates that neutrality is not necessarily the safe course that many believe, as no country can fully escape the effects of war. As a neutral, Spain faced incredible difficulties. The government's neutrality policy kept Spain out of the war, but the regime faced the significant consequences of this decision including its ultimate demise.

Author: Michael E. O'Hanlon
Publisher: Brookings Institution Press
ISBN: 0815732589
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 171

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In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.

Author: Dan Reiter
Publisher: Cornell University Press
ISBN: 1501744763
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 251

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How do foreign policy-makers learn from history? When do states enter alliances? Beginning with these two questions, Dan Reiter uses recent work in social psychology and organization theory to build a formative-events model of learning in international politics. History does inform the decisions of policy-makers, he suggests, but it is history of a specific sort, based on firsthand experience in major events such as wars. Reiter addresses a striking empirical puzzle: Why, in this century, have some small powers chosen to enter alliances when faced with international instability whereas others have stayed neutral? Specifically, why did Belgium, the Netherlands, and Norway join NATO, while Sweden, Switzerland, and Ireland did not? Employing quantitative and case study methods, Reiter finds that peacetime decisions about alliance and neutrality stem from states' experiences during world wars. Tested against balance-of-threat theory, the leading realist explanation of alliance behavior, Reiter's formative-events model of learning emerges as a far better predictor of states' decisions. Crucible of Beliefs' findings show that, contrary to balance-of-threat theory, state leaders ignore the level of international threat and focus instead on avoiding past mistakes and repeating past successes. A serious blow to realism, these findings demonstrate that to understand the dynamics of world politics, it is essential to know how leaders learn from history.

Author: David Garcia
Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 1317631234
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 207

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This book examines the evolution of Spanish foreign policy since 1975, through five different presidencies, spanning its transformation from a dictatorial political system and backward economy to a modern European state, fully democratic and with a well-functioning market economy, under strain from the Eurozone Sovereign Debt crisis. It explains how domestic developments and external factors have combined to shape Spain’s international relations, assessing the impact of EU membership and providing an example of how middle powers can pursue their foreign policy objectives in the international system. The authors explore a range of topics including: Defence and security Economy and development Soft power Spanish policy towards the EU, the United States, Latin America, the Mediterranean, Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of Spanish politics and history, European Union studies, foreign policy, international relations and security studies.

Author: M. Smith
Publisher: Springer
ISBN: 0333985354
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 217

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Why did NATO expand its membership during the Cold War years, and what was its attraction to new members? This book locates the answers to these questions not solely in the Cold War, but in the historical problems of international order in Europe and the growing idea of the West. A wide range of sources is used, and the analysis looks at a process of neo-enlargement during NATO's inception as well as the formal accessions that followed.

Author: Benny Pollack
Publisher: Burns & Oates
ISBN:
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 216

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