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Author: Charles A. Kupchan
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948008677
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 14
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Book Description
For decades, dealing with the Middle East has proved to be a very divisive issue for the United States and Europe. During the Cold War, heated transatlantic disputes emerged over a host of issues including the Suez Canal, the Palestine–Israel conflict and the containment of Iran. Nonetheless, these differences did not significantly impair transatlantic relations due to the solidarity engendered by the Soviet threat in Europe. With the demise of the Soviet Union, common tasks in Europe no longer overshadow differences in other regions. The United States and Europe follow different approaches on the question of democratization in the Middle East. This difference is rooted in the respective political cultures on each side of the Atlantic. The United States’ appetite for democratization may be awakened by powerful strains of idealism, but it is also limited by powerful strains of isolationism—on one level, the US would prefer to stand aloof from the world, avoiding the dangers and compromises that come with engagement. American politics is not suited to the slow pace of incremental change, the sullying tasks of nation-building and the ambiguities of governing foreign cultures and understanding their practices. No such isolationism pushes Europe toward quick solutions. Indeed, Europe generally prefers slow and incremental movement toward democracy. Europeans favor engaging target states rather than isolating them, bringing about a gradual political transition rather than an abrupt change of regime. Just as it took generations for liberal democracy to take firm root in Western Europe, the EU is patient in its goal of exporting its model to the south and east. Despite the long history of transatlantic tension over the Middle East, some signs of potential convergence have recently emerged. Although the situation in Iraq remains unstable and uncertain, both sides of the Atlantic seem ready to put behind them the open acrimony that surrounded the war; and on Iran, the EU-3 (the United Kingdom, France and Germany) and Washington have been working in unison since early 2005. However, despite recent examples of convergence, considerable transatlantic differences over the Middle East promise to persist, becoming more and less pronounced in step with adverse and positive developments in the region. That these differences are rooted in contrasting historical experiences, political cultures and political systems makes it likely that disagreements over Middle East policy, as in the past, will remain a key source of transatlantic tension in the future.
Author: Charles A. Kupchan
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948008677
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 14
Get Book Here
Book Description
For decades, dealing with the Middle East has proved to be a very divisive issue for the United States and Europe. During the Cold War, heated transatlantic disputes emerged over a host of issues including the Suez Canal, the Palestine–Israel conflict and the containment of Iran. Nonetheless, these differences did not significantly impair transatlantic relations due to the solidarity engendered by the Soviet threat in Europe. With the demise of the Soviet Union, common tasks in Europe no longer overshadow differences in other regions. The United States and Europe follow different approaches on the question of democratization in the Middle East. This difference is rooted in the respective political cultures on each side of the Atlantic. The United States’ appetite for democratization may be awakened by powerful strains of idealism, but it is also limited by powerful strains of isolationism—on one level, the US would prefer to stand aloof from the world, avoiding the dangers and compromises that come with engagement. American politics is not suited to the slow pace of incremental change, the sullying tasks of nation-building and the ambiguities of governing foreign cultures and understanding their practices. No such isolationism pushes Europe toward quick solutions. Indeed, Europe generally prefers slow and incremental movement toward democracy. Europeans favor engaging target states rather than isolating them, bringing about a gradual political transition rather than an abrupt change of regime. Just as it took generations for liberal democracy to take firm root in Western Europe, the EU is patient in its goal of exporting its model to the south and east. Despite the long history of transatlantic tension over the Middle East, some signs of potential convergence have recently emerged. Although the situation in Iraq remains unstable and uncertain, both sides of the Atlantic seem ready to put behind them the open acrimony that surrounded the war; and on Iran, the EU-3 (the United Kingdom, France and Germany) and Washington have been working in unison since early 2005. However, despite recent examples of convergence, considerable transatlantic differences over the Middle East promise to persist, becoming more and less pronounced in step with adverse and positive developments in the region. That these differences are rooted in contrasting historical experiences, political cultures and political systems makes it likely that disagreements over Middle East policy, as in the past, will remain a key source of transatlantic tension in the future.
Author: charles a. kupchan
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : ar
Pages : 46
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Book Description
Author: Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948026187
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
In a supplemental analysis to The Mirage, the comprehensive scholarly review of political religious groups in the Arab world, this paper sheds light upon the illusory tactics of political religious groups following the so-called “Arab Spring” in 2011. With particular emphasis on the Muslim Brotherhood, the methodologies of these political groups are laid bare and their true intentions exposed.
Author: Eberhard Sandschneider
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948143647
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
In order to understand Germany’s foreign policy towards the Gulf Region it is necessary to keep in mind that among all of its major institutions, political parties and foreign policy actors there is a broad consensus on a set of parameters best defined within three imperatives: “never again” (referring to historical legacies, especially the Holocaust); “never alone” (referring to multilateral approaches predominantly within a European Union [EU] and transatlantic context); and “with peaceful means only” (referring to Germany’s role model as a civilian power). All major political actors agree that this is the basis of German foreign policy in any part of the world, and certainly in the most sensitive area of the Greater Middle East. Furthermore, it is necessary to keep in mind that historical legacies – in particular German policies towards Israel – do play a predominant role and will probably continue to do so in the foreseeable future. In practical terms, however, there is no comprehensive policy towards the Greater Middle East. German foreign policy itself is divided into different approaches between the Maghreb, the Mashreq, and the Gulf region and it is, of course, implemented with the help of EU coordination whenever possible. Widespread reluctance to develop initiatives and approaches beyond a European context allow for a simple characterization—Germany’s foreign policy towards the Greater Middle East is still dominated by economic interest and only in very rare aspects by security or strategic considerations. From a general perspective, its lack of a coordinated strategic approach characterizes one of the central weaknesses of Germany’s foreign policy, which has become increasingly global over the last few years and should concentrate on developing a strategy specifically adapted to the needs of the region. However, expectations that such a policy will be eventually implemented can hardly be based on optimism. Germany’s Gulf region policy will continue to be dominated by historical legacies; a clearly felt partnership with (in less positive words, ‘dependency on’) the United States; Germany’s consolidation in EU integration; and by a preoccupation with economic issues (the debate about Iran’s nuclear program being the only marked exception). This paper explores legacies and parameters of German and EU policies towards the Arabian Gulf region and discusses necessary changes in order to expand mutual cooperation.
Author: Emile Nakhleh
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948142284
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 17
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Book Description
This lecture focuses on the need for the United States – and other Western countries – to understand the political, social, and ideological trends that have emerged in the Muslim world in recent years, and on the necessity of engaging Muslim communities worldwide. The Obama administration is moving in this direction, as evidenced by President Obama’s Cairo speech of June 4, 2009, and his other statements and media interviews regarding the Muslim world. This lecture is based on my academic research over the years, and my work for the US government from 1990 to 2006. It draws heavily on my two recent publications, and on the numerous visits I have made to more than thirty Muslim counties in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central, South and Southeast Asia and the Balkans, as well as to several European countries that have Muslim populations. These visits have afforded me the opportunity to engage hundreds of Muslims – thinkers, writers, activists, journalists, politicians, clerics, non-governmental organization (NGO) workers, “jihadists,” liberals, radicals, Sunnis, Shia, and Sufis – in conversations on current developments in the Islamic world and how they view their relations with the outside world, including with the United States. My interviews gave me a clear impression that Muslims – especially those of the well-educated and professional middle classes – throughout most of the present decade have grown increasingly troubled by present relations between the United States and the Islamic world, and even more concerned about the future of these important relations.
Author: Tariq Ramadan
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 994814502X
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
The strength of the initial revolutionary movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya or Syria lay in not having a specific leadership. Rather, these movements comprised men and women from different classes, backgrounds and religions, all coming together. In Egypt this was very apparent – many came together from a variety of secular, leftist and Islamist groups – there was no leadership. It was clear from the very beginning that these were not ‘Islamist revolutions’ as some labeled them. The Islamists in many of these countries joined the efforts afterwards; in fact, in the beginning the Islamists were very hesitant to become involved. The first to push the Islamist movement to participate were the young members of Tunisia’s Al-Nahda. For the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the group’s leadership initially said that they would not be involved, but they were then encouraged to do so by the younger generation. Within the Brotherhood it was quite clear that there was – and remains – a fracture concerning strategy. Whilst the lack of a central leadership brought the initial movements strength, it was to become their weakness. Why? We know now that following the removal of the dictators it quickly became apparent that there was a lack of vision and clarity about what the people actually wanted. All we know is what they didn’t want; so we are still unsure as to what the future will hold. Across the board, the movements’ early strength became their weakness. From the secularists to the Islamists, these pertinent questions persist: what is the future and what do they want? These questions must be applied from the outset in order to understand the strengths and weaknesses of these movements. Ultimately, the situation is complex, with many issues to consider; this is where we are—a complex region facing complex challenges with complex dimensions. Consequently, it pays to be cautious when attempting to predict future developments in Muslim-majority countries. The current period is quite critical—a turning point. Something has changed and we can’t go back. It is now up to the young generation, even the Islamists. My position on this is quite clear – it can’t be done by killing or torturing people – if someone is dealing with politics, be they secular or Islamist, it doesn’t matter; as long as he or she is non-violent and respects the rule of law and the democratic process, he or she is entitled to be involved in the process and be part of the political discussion. Why? because is it good for all of us; it is good for you because there is nothing in Islam – and this is my position – that says that religion should take over the state. It should be about democratic and majority processes—this is Islamic.
Author: Judge Rosalyn Higgins
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948140877
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 27
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Book Description
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations (UN). It was established 62 years ago at the end of the Second World War, and is the successor to the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) that was functioning at the time of the League of Nations. The ICJ has a dual role: to settle in accordance with international law the legal disputes submitted to it by states; and to give Advisory Opinions on legal questions referred to it by certain organs of the United Nations and duly authorized specialized agencies. Over the past six decades of the ICJ’s existence, the world has changed immensely. Dozens of newly independent countries, especially in Africa and Asia, have entered the world stage, and in the early 1970s, the Gulf states of the UAE, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain came to independence. The ICJ lives in the real world—changes in the world around us have their impact here, too. We have seen an increase in the range and number of states coming to the Court. Seventy nine states have engaged in Court proceedings in the past decade. The Court has handed down 95 judgments in its 60 years of existence. Of those, one-third has been delivered in the last decade. Today approximately 300 treaties refer to the Court in relation to the settlement of disputes arising from their application or interpretation and there has been a distinct trend for states to withdraw reservations they have made to such treaties in earlier years. The UAE, and the Gulf states more generally, are important to the ICJ. Since its establishment in 1971, the UAE has played a vital role in the affairs of the region, and has decided explicitly to base its foreign policy on the principles outlined in the Charter of the United Nations. It has formed close ties with countries throughout the Middle East and Asia, as well as with western nations. The Court appreciates the UAE’s interest in its work and, as with all parties to the Statute, stands ready to assist the states of the region in conformity with its Charter role.
Author: Mark Tessler
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948230310
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
This paper uses public opinion data collected as part of the Arab Barometer Survey Project to report on the political and social conceptions and preferences held by ordinary citizens in the Arab world. The findings provide a broad and generally representative overview of the civic orientations held by ordinary men and women in the Arab world. The paper covers a wide range of issues that are highly relevant to the Arab world at the present time, and frequently offers brief assessments of the reasons and/or implications associated with particular findings; in this way it encourages further reflection and future research on the part of others. Finally it calls attention to the availability of the unique resource that Arab Barometer data represent. Both through the Barometer’s website and through the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research at the University of Michigan, interested parties may acquire the AB data in SPSS format. Plans for the fourth wave of AB surveys are in the planning stage. Depending on local conditions and the availability of adequate funding, the fourth wave will continue to expand the number and geographic scope of the countries that are surveyed. Among the priorities for this wave, for which some funding has already been obtained, will be the inclusion of members of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
Author: Mehran Kamrava
Publisher: Cornell University Press
ISBN: 0801454301
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 295
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Book Description
The Persian Gulf state of Qatar has fewer than 2 million inhabitants, virtually no potable water, and has been an independent nation only since 1971. Yet its enormous oil and gas wealth has permitted the ruling al Thani family to exert a disproportionately large influence on regional and even international politics. Qatar is, as Mehran Kamrava explains in this knowledgeable and incisive account of the emirate, a "tiny giant": although severely lacking in most measures of state power, it is highly influential in diplomatic, cultural, and economic spheres. Kamrava presents Qatar as an experimental country, building a new society while exerting what he calls "subtle power." It is both the headquarters of the global media network Al Jazeera and the site of the U.S. Central Command's Forward Headquarters and the Combined Air Operations Center. Qatar has been a major player during the European financial crisis, it has become a showplace for renowned architects, several U.S. universities have established campuses there, and it will host the FIFA World Cup in 2022. Qatar's effective use of its subtle power, Kamrava argues, challenges how we understand the role of small states in the global system. Given the Gulf state's outsized influence on regional and international affairs, this book is a critical and timely account of contemporary Qatari politics and society.
Author: James H. Breece
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948146794
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 18
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Book Description
There has been much attention by the media recently about the causes for the 2007 financial collapse that occurred in the United States, Europe, and other parts of the world, and its linkage to the historic recession that followed. Much of the world was greatly impacted by these disturbances directly or indirectly, and therefore it is necessary to discuss the transmission mechanism that transformed the financial crisis into an economic crisis, or what some would say from “Wall Street to Main Street.” This chain of events has global implications, with different countries and regions feeling the implications differently depending on the level of integration of their financial, labor, and goods and services markets. This textbook chain of events is what took place during 2007 and 2008 to transform the financial crisis into an economic crisis in the United States. However, the real question is not so much about the chain of events that occurred, but rather why the financial crisis and the resulting economic crisis were as severe as they were, both in terms of duration and magnitude. Although recessions occur about every five years, the world has never experienced such a deep or prolonged economic recession such as this, lasting 18 months (where the average duration is 11 months). Consequently, many refer to this recession as the ‘great recession.’ The purpose of this paper is to explore the underlying causes for the magnitude and duration of the great recession and why it spread so far. The supposition of this paper is that the root causes for the severity of the recession were structural shifts in the global and US economies that have been brewing for many years if not decades, and were not based on short-term influences from the business cycle (which may have been responsible for the timing of the recession). Many of these structural shifts should have been detected beforehand and could have been acted upon to prevent, or at least minimize, the devastation that occurred. More importantly, if these trends are not acted upon now and reversed, the United States and European nations may be threatened again by future reoccurring recessions. The events leading up to the financial and economic crises are what I call the making of the ‘perfect economic storm.’
