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Author: Karim El-Gendy
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953572763
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 274
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Book Description
Al-Zaytouna Centre has published the second edition of The Process of Israeli Decision Making by Karim El-Gendy. The 272-page book is an attempt to understand the Israeli decision-making process, and to bridge the literature gap by relating domestic factors with decision-making and foreign policy. El-Gendy aims to discuss the Israeli decision making process from three different viewpoints. The decision makers and the formal relationship between them, the structural forces and influences inherent in the decision making mechanism, and the external factors that influence the decision making process. The author explains how elements and forces within the labyrinth of the Israeli society exert influence on the decision-making mechanism and on how foreign policy and national security decisions are made. He expands on a number of external forces, or forces external to the decision-making process that are powerful enough to influence it. El-Gendy discusses the influence of five forces; the military, the advisors, two religious groups, the relationship with the United States, and the relationship with the Jewish Diaspora. This book attempts to take holistic approach to the decision-making process and avoid focusing its attention solely on decision-making in crisis situations.
Author: Karim El-Gendy
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953572763
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 274
Get Book Here
Book Description
Al-Zaytouna Centre has published the second edition of The Process of Israeli Decision Making by Karim El-Gendy. The 272-page book is an attempt to understand the Israeli decision-making process, and to bridge the literature gap by relating domestic factors with decision-making and foreign policy. El-Gendy aims to discuss the Israeli decision making process from three different viewpoints. The decision makers and the formal relationship between them, the structural forces and influences inherent in the decision making mechanism, and the external factors that influence the decision making process. The author explains how elements and forces within the labyrinth of the Israeli society exert influence on the decision-making mechanism and on how foreign policy and national security decisions are made. He expands on a number of external forces, or forces external to the decision-making process that are powerful enough to influence it. El-Gendy discusses the influence of five forces; the military, the advisors, two religious groups, the relationship with the United States, and the relationship with the Jewish Diaspora. This book attempts to take holistic approach to the decision-making process and avoid focusing its attention solely on decision-making in crisis situations.
Author: Fatima Itani
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953500592
Category : Palestinian Arabs
Languages : en
Pages : 130
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Book Description
The Suffering of the Palestinian Patient under the Israeli Occupation is the new book published by Al-Zaytouna Center for Studies and Consultations in Beirut. The book addresses the suffering of the Palestinian patients and the Palestinian health sector due to Israeli violations. These include the vast difference in health care between the Jews and Arabs, the experimentations done on Arab patients, the repercussions of the siege on the Gazan patients in addition to the influence of the Israeli checkpoints and the separation wall on the patients in the West Bank, the suffering of the patients held in the Israeli jails and the deliberate targeting of medical personnel. The book, prepared by Fatima Itani and ‘Atef Daghlas and edited by Dr. Mohsen Saleh and Rana Sa‘adah, is 128 pages of medium size. It is the 11th in the Am I Not Human? series, which endeavors to present a full and complete picture of the suffering of Palestinians under Israeli occupation . It tries its best to address the hearts and minds with the most accurate, concrete and documented framework. The book cites many cases of patients whose suffering is exacerbated by Israeli obstacles and the difficult conditions of Palestinian health care institutions. The book also addressees the delays at the Israeli checkpoints and the gates of the Separation Wall in addition to impeding the access of patients and pregnant women to health care centers. The number of patients who died at the checkpoints has amounted to 401 since the outburst of the Intifadah and till 31/1/2011. On another hand, the book highlights the deterioration of health care sector in the Gaza Strip as a result of the Israeli siege which was imposed since mid 2007. It led to a serious shortage of medicine,medical instruments other necessary requirements for hospitals and even ambulances. These conditions caused the death of 380 Palestinians. The book also includes comparative statistics which illustrate the gap’s magnitude between health care offered to Jews and Palestinians. It mentioned that, in 2008, the average per capita allocations of health resources was $ 2,145 in Israel compared to $165,5 in the Palestinian Authority Territories, while the number of beds in 2009 reached 42,119 beds in Israeli hospitals compared to 5,058 beds in Palestinian hospitals. The book sheds light on the experimentations performed on Palestinian patients in the Israeli hospitals including children, old and mentally ill patients without their own or their legal custodians’ permission. It reveals the testing of serious drugs on the Palestinians prisoners and the illegal trade of Palestinian human organs from corpses to treat Israeli patients, including soldiers. This conduct fails to respect international covenants which regulate medical experimentations on patients. In addition, the book tackles the Israeli policy of deliberate medical neglect regarding the prisoners and preventing them from getting proper medical care. These conditions increased in the number of sick prisoners and exacerbated their diseases, even after their release. Consequently, and since 1967, over 51 Palestinian prisoners died in the Israeli prisons. The Israeli policy of preventing patients from traveling abroad to get treatment was also discussed in the book. For Israel has the tendency to impose conditions of collaboration with the Israeli authorities and revealing information about their wanted relatives or neighbors in order to get proper treatment in Israel. The frequent Israeli attacks on Palestinian medical personnel were also exposed. The personnel are fired at, physically and verbally abused, and obstructed from reaching patients or even the injured. During Israeli military operations ambulances and medical facilities are always targeted.
Author: Muslim Imran Abu Omar
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953572364
Category : Egypt
Languages : en
Pages : 105
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Book Description
Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations in Beirut has published a new book: Egypt, Syria and the War on Gaza: A Study on the Egyptian and Syrian Foreign Policy Responses to the 2008/2009 Gaza War, written by Muslim Imran Abu Umar. The original text of this book was a dissertation submitted in June 2013 in fulfillment of the requirements for the Master’s Degree in Political Science at the International Islamic University Malaysia. This 103-page book focuses on the differences and similarities in the foreign policy responses of Egypt and Syria towards the 2008/2009 Gaza War. Five domestic and external factors are used to compare the foreign policy responses of Egypt and Syria, these are; Arab Nationalism, Islam, security concerns, economic concerns, and type of alliance. The author analyzes the official statements of the officials of Egypt, Syria, Israel, Hamas and the Palestinian Authority to understand, classify, and compare the policies adopted. A qualitative approach in which a content analysis is carried out is used to reach conclusions. Abu Umar concludes that while Islam and Arab Nationalism were very influential factors for the Egyptian and Syrian public, they had a minimal impact on foreign policy makers in the two states. Both security concerns and the type of alliance were very influential in the foreign policy making of the two states. Economic concerns were less important in both Egyptian and Syrian responses to the 2008/2009 Gaza War.
Author: Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh
Publisher: Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies & Consultations
ISBN: 9953500630
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 417
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Book Description
This annual referential report, has become an essential classic in the academic realm of Palestinian Studies. It includes the latest and most recent statistical and analytic data on the various developments related to the Palestinian issue. ** Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies & Consultations has just released the Palestinian Strategic Report 2011/12 (PSR 2011/12). It reviews the various developments concerning the Palestinian question in a comprehensive, objective and academic manner, covering the period up until the end of 2011/12, as well as some developments in 2012. PSR 2011/12, which is being published for the seventh consecutive year, is one of the most important studies published on an annual basis by al-Zaytouna. It has become a staple reference for specialists and those interested in Palestinian affairs, owing to its comprehensive coverage of the developments related to the Palestinian question throughout the whole year. PSR 2011/12 observes strict professional and academic standards, and offers a wealth of data, up-to-date statistics, and tables and charts. It also contains strategic assessments and offers an outlook of future events. This 415-page book was co-authored by 12 researchers specializing in Palestinian affairs, and was revised by four advisers, and edited by Associate Professor Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh. This year’s PSR contains seven chapters instead of eight, with demographic and economic indicators having been merged into one chapter, and added to educational indicators in the West Bank (WB) and Gaza Strip (GS) – distinguishing this year’s report from its predecessors. PSR 2011/12 concludes that the Palestinian political arena is still experiencing the same problems and obstacles seen in previous years, most notably the failure to bring together the various factions and constituents of the Palestinian people under one umbrella (the Palestine Liberation Organization—PLO); the lack of a unified strategic vision; the failure to agree on the priorities for national action in the current stage; and the continuing conflict between the strategies of resistance and negotiated peace. This is in addition to the fact that Palestinian decision-making centers remain in disarray, coming under pressure from the Israeli occupation in the WB, and Israeli blockade in GS. As regards reconciliation, PSR 2011/12 argues that steps towards achieving it will continue to stumble, expressing little optimism regarding the legislative and presidential elections, and the elections for the Palestinian National Council (PNC). Furthermore, there remain significant hurdles before the reformation of the PLO and the security forces, where the insistence of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in Ramallah on maintaining a high level of security coordination with the Israel remains the biggest obstacle to achieving real Palestinian reconciliation. As concerns Israel, the PSR states that 2011/12 did not witness any significant changes in relation to its internal political landscape, except the fact that the Israeli society has continued to lurch to the extreme right in general, in tandem with increased racist manifestations targeting the Palestinians of 1948. The PSR discounted the possibility of the negotiations making any serious breakthroughs in the remainder of 2012, especially as the causes and factors leading to the failure of the efforts to resume negotiations remain extant, chiefly as a result of Israeli ongoing settlement activities; reduced American interest in the Palestinian issue in light of the preoccupation with the presidential elections; and continuing changes unfolding in many Arab countries, most notably Egypt. At the Arab level, PSR 2011/12 indicates that the Palestinian cause was not absent from the agendas of the Arab uprisings of 2011/12, albeit it was not prominently present in them either. The emergence of democratic systems that reflect the will of the populaces, and with the rise of political factions that are faithful to the Palestinian cause and are not subservient to foreign agendas, hope remains that the Palestinian question will receive more attention from these new regimes. With respect to international affairs, the report concludes that international diplomatic efforts concerning the Palestinian question declined further in 2011/12, as a result of several factors and developments. These include the uprisings and transformations in several Arab countries; the resurging tension surrounding the Iranian nuclear program and the prospects of a military confrontation; and the repercussions of the global financial crisis which has particularly hit countries in the European Union. PSR 2011/12 points out that 2012 marks the year of the US presidential elections, during which American diplomatic efforts in the Middle East traditionally wane, while the stances of both the Democratic and Republican parties converge towards the Israeli position, with a view to win over the Jewish vote. The report also collates many statistics concerning Israeli violations at various levels, including the fact that 118 Palestinians had been killed by the Israeli forces and settlers in GS and the WB (including Jerusalem) in 2011/12, while 554 Palestinians and international solidarity activists were wounded. On the other hand, Israel Security Agency (ISA) recorded 21 Israeli deaths in the same year as a result of attacks carried out by Palestinians, while 122 Israelis were wounded. On the subject of settlement building, the PA Information Center Concerning Colonization and Annexation Wall Affairs in the Ministry of State recorded the existence of 474 settlement sites in the WB until the end of 2011, including 184 settlements, 171 unauthorized outposts, 26 other settlement sites and 93 buildings which were partially or fully appropriated by the settlers in East Jerusalem. In addition, PSR 2011/12 draws attention to the fact that the pace of attacks in Jerusalem has been surging year after year, to stress that the battle for the Judaization of the Holy City remains Israel’s first priority, in conjunction with a trend of growing obsession with the Jewishness of the state dominating public thinking in the state of Israel. The report also adds that 2011 saw a marked upsurge in attacks against Islamic and Christian holy sites in Palestine by Jewish extremists and Israel, mostly as part of the ‘price tag’ wave of attacks by settlers in the WB. As for demographic indicators, the number of Palestinians in the world stood at the end of 2011 at about 11.22 million people, with half of whom, i.e., 5.63 million (50.1%), living in the Diaspora. The other half, i.e., 5.6 million people (49.9%) live in historic Palestine, including around 1.37 million in the territories occupied in 1948, and 4.23 million people in the WB and GS. According to PSR 2011/12, if current population growth levels of both Palestinians and Jews remain the same, the populations of Palestinians and Jews in historic Palestine will equalize in 2016, when the number of both Jews and Palestinians will be approximately 6.4 million. In 2020, the Jewish population will be 6.9 million and will represent about 48.9 percent of the total population, compared to 7.2 million Palestinians. Concerning economic indicators in the WB and GS, the report states that 2011 did not see any new developments concerning the direct dependency of the Palestinian economy in the WB and GS on the Israeli economy, or the fact that this economy is isolated from the Arab world and the rest of the world owing to Israel’s control of all international ports and Palestinian border crossings. This is in addition to the fact that Palestinian foreign trade is mostly done with Israel. PSR 2011/12 also highlights the enormous disparity between the economic conditions of the Palestinians in the WB and GS on one hand, and those of the Israelis on the other. Indeed, the per capita income in 2011 was $1614 in the WB and GS (around $1981 in the WB and $1073 in GS), compared to $31,291 in Israel. The GDP in the WB and GS reached around $6.34 billion in 2011, while the Israeli GDP totaled $242.92 billion.
Author: Dr. Mohsen M. Saleh
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953572631
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 706
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Book Description
Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations in Beirut has launched the English version of the book “The Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas: Studies of Thought and Experience,” which was co-written by a group of professors specializing in the Palestinian issue and five senior Hamas leaders. The 704-page book is edited by Dr. Mohsen Saleh. The book examines Hamas’s vision and experience in all its aspects. The work sticks to two main commitments: First, adherence to academic research methods, and the accuracy, objectivity and extensive documentation necessary to them. The second is the attempt to present Hamas as it really is, whether by the contributions of specialized researches, who are well informed of Hamas and its experience; or by the contributions of Hamas leaders, who have addressed a number of issues and presented a more comprehensive picture of the Movement. Particularly so when the available literature is insufficient to clarify all the issues being researched, especially for Western audiences interested in understanding the Palestinian issue, of which Hamas has become a key component in the past decade. The book falls in two parts. The first is a collection of eleven studies on Hamas and its experience, in which chapter one presents an overview of the movement experience and history. It discusses the background and inception, and considers Hamas a continuation of the work of the Muslim Brothers (MB) movement that began in the form of popular advocacy through a network of branches and offices beginning in 1945. Interestingly, this chapter examines events that reflect the extent of the MB movement’s participation in armed resistance as well as preaching activities, in addition to their links to the establishment of the Fatah movement, which was co-founded by MB figures. This chapter digs deeper in to the stages that Hamas underwent, especially between 1987 and 2005. The second chapter gives the reader the chance to examine Hamas’s political vision, addressing the wellsprings of Hamas’s political ideology, its approach to religion and state, law, and constitution, and its views on nationalism, secularism, and democracy. Finally, it addresses the rights of minorities in Hamas’s political thought. The chapter contains a plethora of answers to questions usually raised by those interested to learn about Hamas’s ideas, bearing in mind that it is difficult to find material that expresses Hamas’s intellectual frameworks in such a comprehensive manner, except through some of the interviews, which still are no match for the topics covered by the book. In the third chapter, we delve into Hamas’ conceptualization of the other, meaning Hamas’s view of Israel, Judaism, Jews, Zionism and Zionists, which is the basis for understanding the background and future of the conflict. The book, in the fourth and fifth chapters, continues to analyze the relationship between Hamas and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and its factions, and Hamas’s position on Islamic Palestinian movements including the Sufis and Salafis, Hizb ut-Tahrir, and the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine (PIJ), explaining the convergences and divergences with these factions. This is based on analyzing both Hamas’s theoretical framework and policies, drawing from primary sources. The sixth chapter highlights an important issue, namely, the peace process. Naturally, readers will wonder how Hamas’s actions and visions approach the peace process. In this chapter, the author examines the stages of evolution of Hamas’s political position on the peace process, whether through the movement’s theoretical and intellectual frameworks, or its practices on the ground. The seventh chapter tackles in detail Hamas’s vision for political and social reform in Palestine, based on the set of principles the group has committed itself to, including its insistence on political freedom for all and the rights of the Palestinian people. Hamas’s political reform project is not confined to internal Palestinian matters, but also cover foreign relations, especially with Arab and Muslim countries. In addition, Hamas’s social reform platform focuses on combatting poverty as the entry point for comprehensive development and reform. The eighth and ninth chapters overview at length Hamas’s Arab and Islamic relations, by analyzing the determinants, objectives, and dimensions of Hamas’s relations, an explaining its position towards the Arab Spring. They also examine Hamas’s relations with Turkey and Iran and their evolution. The tenth chapter deals with Hamas’s experience in government, following the 2006 legislative elections. This chapter explores the defects within the Palestinian political system in order to determine the environment and challenges that Hamas faced. Finally, it assesses Hamas performance in governance in the period 2006–2012. The eleventh chapter concludes the first part of the book by reviewing Western academic literature on Hamas, with a view to answer the following fundamental question: To what extent have these studies succeeded in understanding the true nature of Hamas? The second part of the book includes contributions by five senior Hamas leaders attempting to answer a miscellany of questions regarding different issues appertaining to the Movement. These include a study by Khalid Mish’al, head of Hamas Political Bureau, which is entitled “Hamas: Milestones in Thought and Experience.” A second study entitled “Hamas: A Reading in the Vision and Governance Experience” is contributed by Isma‘il Haniyyah, the new Hamas politburo chief and prime minister of Hamas’s caretaker government. It also includes a contribution by Musa Abu Marzuq, senior Hamas leader and former politburo chief titled Hamas Assessment of the Experience; and a contribution by Usamah Hamdan on Hamas International Relations. The section also includes a paper prepared by Sami Khater, Hamas politburo member, regarding Hamas’s Vision for Managing the Conflict with the “Zionist Enemy.” The book includes an appendix of major documents related to Hamas and its experience since the issuance of its charter in 1987 until the memorandum of enforcement of the Palestinian reconciliation agreement between Fatah and Hamas (Al-Shati’ Agreement) in 2014 besides key political documents issued in the intervening period.
Author: Ibrahim Ghusheh
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953572240
Category : Biography & Autobiography
Languages : en
Pages : 290
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Book Description
This book is not merely the autobiography of Mr. Ibrahim Ghusheh, it is also a living testimony of the Palestinian and Jordanian Muslim Brothers’ experience over a fifty years span. Ghusheh’s memoirs are characterized by their clarity and candor. They bring to light many of Hamas’ stands and viewpoints regarding a number of issues, which could be considered points of controversy among researchers, in particular during the period leading to al-Aqsa Intifadah. Please, contact us or our agents to get the full printed edition. *** Presented by Dr. Mohsen Moh’d Saleh, General Manager of al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations. For the first time, one of Hamas prominent leaders in Diaspora publishes his autobiography. Indeed, it is a testament to the era, and to the experience of the Muslim Brothers Movement (MB) and Hamas described by an insider. When Ibrahim Ghusheh himself talks about the experience of the Muslim Brothers in Jordan and Palestine and about Hamas’s experience, doubtless he will attract all specialists and researchers, whether in the Palestinian issue or the Islamic Movement. These memoirs are rich with information published for the first time by a man who has lived in the Jordanian and Palestinian MB environment for over 50 years, and acted as Hamas’s official spokesperson in 1991–1999. They also reflect the life and vision of one of the most prominent political decision makers, especially in the first 12 years of the movement’s inception. In fact, the life and experience of the author make the book an indispensable source of information for researchers and scholars of the Palestinian issue, especially the Islamic Palestinian trend. The choice of the title is meant to take the reader to the atmosphere of Jerusalem where the author grew up to see the red minaret of a mosque near his house. The language Ghusheh uses in this 13-chapter book is simple and explicit, where the social, familial, and humanitarian side intermingles with the ideological, political and resistance side, away from artificiality, and from the ego, which is heavily found in memoirs. Ultimately, the reader is presented with a person who firmly believes in his ideology, loyal to and ready to sacrifice for it. Birth, Upbringing and al-Nakbah (Catastrophe) Ibrahim Ghusheh was born in 1936, a month following the first stage of the Palestinian Revolt. In the first chapter, Ghusheh talks about his family and childhood memories, while describing Jerusalem and al-Aqsa Mosque before 1948. In the second chapter, he describes his memories of al-Nakbah of 1948, al-Qastal Battle, the killing of ‘Abdul Qadir al-Husseini, and his family’s need to move to Jericho before going back to Jerusalem once again. Ghusheh also talks about the growing political interest among the youths, and the attempts to identify the best way for liberating Palestine. He mentions his attraction in Grade Six to the lessons presented by Sheikh Taqiyuddin al-Nabahani in the Muslim Brothers Division, and then his enrollment in the MB in Grade Seven, following the footsteps of his elder brother Musa, and his maternal cousin, Mahmud al-‘Arian. He then talks about the beginnings of Hizb ut-Tahrir (Liberation Party) in Jerusalem, and how al-Nabahani could attract most MB scholars and intellectuals, while only a limited number were left out, like Zakariyya Qneibi and Ibrahim Abu ‘Arafah. He also describes how the Muslim Brothers regained the lead, benefiting from the growing strength of the MB in Egypt and east Jordan, and from the return of students who were studying in Egypt. He also mentions how the likes of Shehadeh al-Ansari, Salem ‘Ali Salem and Muhammad Nimr Wehbeh participated in the re-organization and enhancement of MB work in Jerusalem. Ghusheh sheds light as well on the activities of the Muslim Brothers in Jerusalem until 1954. In the third chapter, Ghusheh talks about the rest of the 50s, especially his study of engineering in Egypt, and about underground work of the Palestinian and Jordanian Muslim Brothers due to the difficult security conditions during Nasser’s rule. He mentions the coordination between the Brothers coming from Jordan and those hailing from the Gaza Strip (GS). Ghusheh casts light on the Palestinian League where he assures that the student list supported by the MB would always win the elections. The Union was first headed by Yasir ‘Arafat who was close to the Muslim Brothers, then Salah Khalaf (Abu Iyad) who was a member of the MB. Yet, the MB student activity declined in the late 50s because of the security pressure they had to face. As for the Brothers and their relation with the emergence of Fatah movement, Ghusheh draws the reader’s attention to the fact that Fatah’s early pioneers were MB members such as Khalil al-Wazir (Abu Jihad). He points out to other names including ‘Abdul Fattah al-Hammoud, Riyad al-Za‘nun and Muhammad Yusuf al-Najjar, who became Fatah leaders. Ghusheh illustrates the separation and differentiation between those who established Fatah and the Muslim Brothers, while presenting an assessment of Nasser’s experience. Kuwait and Jordan Ghusheh then talks about his work experience in the Kuwait Municipality in 1962–1966 and the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the position of Fatah and the Brothers towards it. He talks about the first the General Supervisor of the Palestinian Muslim Brothers, Hani Bsiso, who used to work as a teacher in Iraq, and who was summoned by the Brothers to lead the Palestinian organization in 1963, where he settled in Egypt. Bsiso was then detained, along with Sayyid Qutb, in the blow dealt to the Muslim Brothers in 1965, and he died in prison. Ghusheh returned to Jordan and worked in the construction of Khalid Ibn al-Walid Dam. He describes the reaction of the Muslim Brothers there to June 1967 war, the Palestinian resistance work, and the Brothers’ participation in “al-Shuyukh camps,” and the Brothers’ vision of the Jordan Army battles against the resistance organizations in 1970–1971. Ghusheh talks about his participation in building the Kuwait Towers in early 1971, then in the construction of King Talal Dam in the late 1972. He also talks about the work of the MB movement with the Jordan Engineers Association where Ghusheh headed the MB trend in the Association in 1973. He points out to the Brothers’ active participation since the ninth Association council in 1974–1975, until they were able to attract Laith Shubeilat and supported him to become the head of the syndicate in 1982–1983. The Islamic Work for Palestine in Diaspora Ghusheh unveils some sides of the Islamic work for Palestine in Diaspora, the most important of which was the formation of Palestine section affiliated with the Muslim Brothers leadership in Jordan, after the Palestinian section in the GS merged with the Jordan Brothers in 1978. He talks about the internal conference, which was held by this section in 1983, in the presence of a number of the Muslim Brothers leaders from the West Bank (WB) and GS, such as ‘Abdul Fattah Dukhan, and from Kuwait, such as Khalid Mish‘al, and others. The meeting was important in the sense that it redefined the track and priorities of the Brothers’ work towards Palestine, and confirmed that there is a new orientation that balances the drive towards an Islamic state in Arab and Islamic countries with popular resistance in Palestine, and a third stage had begun for the Brotherhood to address the Palestinian issue. Ghusheh also points out to the formation of the Palestine Apparatus, and that it was a decision by the MB International Organization—the apparatus that followed from behind the curtain Hamas’s launching, and its aftermath. Ghusheh talks about his enrollment with Hamas in 1989, at the request of the then General-Guide of the Muslim Brothers Muhammad ‘Abdul Rahman Khalifah. Ghusheh, who was in Kuwait, was entrusted with the mission of forming Hamas’s first political committee. Hamas’s Relation with Fatah and Jordan In chapter eight, Ghusheh sheds light on Hamas’s relation with Fatah and the PLO, and displays the dialogue meetings with Fatah where the first one was in Yemen on 10-12/8/1990 and the second in August 1991. He also talks about the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait and his participation as a Hamas representative with the delegations in attempts to bridge the gap and convince the Iraqi leadership of withdrawal. He also talks about the development of the Brothers’ political role in Jordan after their huge victory in the parliamentary elections in 1989. He sheds light on the arrival of a number of Hamas leaders from Kuwait to Jordan and their relations with the Jordanian government. He points out to his appointment in late 1991 as an official spokesperson for Hamas, the dialogue with the Popular and the Democratic Fronts for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP and DFLP), and the meeting of the 10 factions, which led to the formation of a front to oppose the Oslo Accords. In chapter nine, Ghusheh talks about the development of the relation between Hamas and Jordan during 1992–1993, the development of the relation with Fatah and the stance towards Oslo Accords. He reveals the beginnings of Hamas’s external relations in the early 1993 especially concerning returning those displaced to Marj al-Zuhur, where meetings were held in Amman with officials from the embassies of the United States (US), United Kingdom (UK), Italy and Norway. However, at the end of March 1993, the US State Department issued a decision banning any contact with Hamas. In chapter 10, Ghusheh focuses on the period 1994–1996, and he mentions a number of Hamas activities and positions such as opposing the Oslo Accords, the self-immolation operations, the killing of Yahya ‘Ayyash. He also talks about Hamas’s relation with Fatah, the renewed tension in the relation with Jordan and the conditions that forced Musa Abu Marzuq and ‘Imad al-‘Alami to leave the country in 1995, in addition to electing Mish‘al as the head of the Political Bureau to succeed Abu Marzuq in late 1995. In chapter 11, Ghusheh displays the development of relations with Jordan, and he casts light on the assassination attempt that targeted Khalid Mish‘al, and its implications, besides the liberation of Sheikh Ahmad Yassin and his foreign tour. In the following chapter, he exposes the tension in the relations with the Jordan government and Intelligence in 1999. He also talks about the detention of Hamas leaders in Jordan, their life in prison, their political stances, and the expulsion to Qatar of four leaders namely Khalid Mish‘al, Ibrahim Ghusheh, Sami Khatir and ‘Izzat al-Rishq, and the complications that followed. In chapter 13, Ghusheh talks about the 2000–2001 period, and the development of the relations with Jordan, Damascus, and the Palestinian Authority, in addition to al-Aqsa Intifadah (uprising). He details the story of his return to Jordan in mid June 2000, and his detention in the airport for around two weeks, until the issue was settled according to a new agreement that had him travel to Bangkok then return to Jordan. Ghusheh never lost his vitality and he continued to follow up on different issues in the following years, while participating in miscellaneous events whenever he could. Yet, his situation in Jordan restricted his movement. “The Red Minaret” is a book rich with information and stances that any researcher of modern and contemporary history might need in relation to the Palestinian issue. Also, of importance is the index of names, places and institutions at the end of the book, which makes research work easier.
Author: Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh
Publisher: Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies & Consultations
ISBN: 9953572410
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 402
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Book Description
This annual referential report, has become an essential classic in the academic realm of Palestinian Studies. It includes the latest and most recent statistical and analytic data on the various developments related to the Palestinian issue. ** Al-Zaytouna Center for Studies and Consultations in Beirut has published the Palestinian Strategic Report 2012-2013 (PSR). The Palestinian Strategic Report (PSR) is one of al-Zaytouna’s most important academic studies, published periodically in both English and Arabic. Today, it can be surely asserted that PSR is a must reference for every researcher and academic who are interested in the contemporary developments of the Palestinian issue and the Arab-Israeli conflict. The PSR reviews biennially the various developments concerning the Palestinian question in a comprehensive, objective and academic manner. It offers a wealth of data, up-to-date statistics, and analyzes and offers an outlook of future events. The PSR 2012–2013 falls in 400 pages and seven chapters. Edited by Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh, PSR 2012–2013 was written by 13 specialized researchers, and reviewed by three consultants. The seven chapters cover the internal Palestinian scene, the Israeli-Palestinian scene, the Palestinian issue and the Arab world, the Palestinian issue and the Muslim world, the Palestinian issue and the international situation, the land and the holy sites, and the demographic, economic and educational Indicators.
Author: Hasan Ibhais
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 9953500568
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 122
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Book Description
In 2002, the Israeli Occupation started the construction of the Separation Wall in the West Bank. This Wall aggravated the suffering of the Palestinians living in the West Bank, denying them many of their basic rights in addition to the freedom of movement. This book sheds light on the various dimensions of this suffering: on social, economic, educational and health levels. It starts with demonstrating the development of “The Wall” idea in the Israeli Occupation mentality, contending the Israeli argument of “security” purposes behind the construction, and illustrating the various political and settlement-expansion motives. It also considers the International law position from the wall, including the 2004 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the illegality of the Wall. The book explores the stance of the Israeli Supreme Court towards the Wall and some of its rulings to modify its route. The book then moves to discussing the various humanitarian impacts of the wall on the lives of the Palestinian people. Among theses impacts: land expropriation,housedemolitions,restricting movement, denying accessibility to basic services like education, work and health; added to social issues of isolation and further fragmentation of the Palestinian Society. The book also studies the Wall in Jerusalem in a separate chapter. This Wall is a manifestation of Israel’s most important goals; Judaizing the city, confiscating its lands, surrounding it with settlements and walls, and pressuring the indigenous Jerusalemites into leaving the city. It dedicates another chapter to the case of Bil‘in village as a form of possible popular resistance against the Wall, explaining the innovative ideas to resist the Wall and how the Israelis were testing “non-lethal” weapons to disperse protesters there. One of Bil‘in’s most notable achievement is represented in the decision of the Israeli Supreme Court to amend the route of the Wall passing on its land. The book falls in 118 pages of medium size, and addresses the hearts and minds with the most accurate and documented information. This series is a rich interactive documentation of the Palestinian suffering under the Israeli occupation. It focuses on the Israeli violations of the Palestinians’ basic human rights.
Author: Prof. Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh
Publisher: مركز الزيتونة للدراسات والاستشارات
ISBN: 6144940405
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 320
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Book Description
The Road to Jerusalem
Author: Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh
Publisher: Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies & Consultations
ISBN: 9953572755
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 523
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Book Description
This annual referential report, has become an essential classic in the academic realm of Palestinian Studies. It includes the latest and most recent statistical and analytic data on the various developments related to the Palestinian issue. **
