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Author:
Publisher: Bib. Orton IICA / CATIE
ISBN:
Category : Soil science
Languages : en
Pages : 60
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Book Description
Author:
Publisher: Bib. Orton IICA / CATIE
ISBN:
Category : Soil science
Languages : en
Pages : 60
Get Book Here
Book Description
Author:
Publisher: Bib. Orton IICA / CATIE
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 106
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Book Description
Author:
Publisher: Bib. Orton IICA / CATIE
ISBN:
Category : Soil science
Languages : en
Pages : 108
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Book Description
Author:
Publisher: IICA Biblioteca Venezuela
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 208
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Book Description
Author:
Publisher: Bib. Orton IICA / CATIE
ISBN:
Category : Soil science
Languages : en
Pages : 94
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Book Description
Author:
Publisher: Bib. Orton IICA / CATIE
ISBN:
Category : Soil science
Languages : en
Pages : 174
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Book Description
Author: Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Agriculture
Languages : en
Pages : 652
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Author:
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Agriculture
Languages : en
Pages : 1208
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Author:
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Agriculture
Languages : en
Pages : 1390
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Author: Laura Jean Brodie
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 225
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Social inequality is a hot topic in our current society (e.g. Keister and Moller 2000; Saez and Zucman 2016) and the initial development of these inequalities within prehistoric societies continues as an important subject for archaeological investigations (Kintigh et al. 2014). My research examines the relationship between agriculture and the development of complex societies within the Upper Río Chiriquí Viejo Valley, Panama. The evidence indicates that control of agricultural production and its resulting surplus was not the primary factor in the development of social distinctions. Rather, it facilitated the creation of leadership positions by freeing individuals from subsistence activities to pursue bureaucratic endeavors. It was through social activities that leaders emerged and gained power and status. Agricultural populations are significant in archaeological literature because they are associated with the production of surplus that could be used to free individuals to pursue activities other than food production (Bogaard 2017). One model for the development of complex societies in the Upper Río Chiriquí Viejo Valley proposed that maize agriculturalists first settled the valley (Linares et al. 1975:143) and that the spread of these maize dependent populations "initiated processes leading to rank difference..." (Linares et al. 1975:137). These scholars based the model on macrobotanical evidence of maize in the valley (Galinat 1980; Smith 1980; Spang and Rosenthal 1980). I sampled 42 settlements within an area of 72 square km. My total sample size was 9998 ceramics and 659 lithics from surface collections/shovel tests and 866 ceramics and 53 lithics from excavations. I also incorporate data from previous investigations within the valley (e.g. Palumbo 2009). I used three lines of evidence gathered from surface survey and shovel testing to investigate whether maize agriculturalists led to the development of complex societies in the valley. First, I analyzed settlement locations in relation to fertile soil through time. Following the principle of first occupancy (McAnany 1995:98-99), the best lands are to be settled first and kept by the founding families through ties to the ancestors. The Upper Río Chiriquí Viejo Valley is one of the most agriculturally productive locations within Panama today. Parts of the valley have rich dark soil that is a meter in depth, while other locations are less than ideal for any kind of cultivation. This variation in soils provided the perfect scenario to investigate the importance of soil fertility in settlement placement. Second, I investigated demographic changes through time to identify any dramatic increases or decreases in population. I was interested in the demographics of the first settlers. Marked population increases could also indicate agricultural intensification (Robinson and Schutjer 1984) that is related to an increase in fertility rates (Bocquet-Appel 2011). Finally, I calculated the percentage of restricted (storage and cooking) vessel rims out of total sherds within assemblages to identify possible changes in diet or food processing activities. Changes in the quantities of these vessel types can indicate the introduction of new foods or techniques. These percentages were also compared to the percentages of open vessel rims at each settlement. Results of this research indicate that through time, the importance of soil fertility in the selection of settlement location increases. By the last period, the Chiriquí Period (A.D. 900 - 1500), it is evident that soils are a primary factor in settlement locations, continuing a trend from the Late Bugaba Phase (A.D. 600 - 900). This suggests a gradual increase in the importance of cultivars in the diet. Demographic patterns did not indicate any sudden increases in the total population of the valley that were inexplicable. There was an increase from the Concepcion Phase (300 B.C. - A.D. 400) to the Early Bugaba Phase (A.D. 300 - 600). But this increase fell within the population growth rates of hunters and gathers calculated using fertility rates (i.e. Hassan 1975). A settlement hierarchy was already formed by the Early Bugaba Phase and a catchment analysis indicated that there was sufficient arable and non-arable land within the catchment zone to provide sufficient resources for the valley's population. The restricted vessel rim analysis suggested that there was a change in diet between the Late Bugaba Phase and the Chiriquí Period. There were also small nuances for each period. In the Early Bugaba Phase diets may have differed between different ecological zones of the valley. The diet may have been more uniform throughout the valley in the Late Bugaba Phase. Also, in the Late Bugaba Phase the percentage of open vessel rims out of total sherds indicate ceremonial feasting events at the village of Barriles (Palumbo 2009). These lines of evidence suggest that controlling fertile soil, and any resulting surplus, was not a major contributor in the development of leadership roles as has been argued for other areas of the world (Elliott 2005; Kirch et al. 2004; Lombardo et al. 2015). Settlements did not follow the principle of first occupancy. Initial populations did not choose to settle on or near fertile soil, and this strongly suggests that the first populations in the valley were not agriculturalists. Rather, they were cultivating small gardens that were supplying sufficient produce to sustain a settlement hierarchy in the Early Bugaba Phase. Only once leadership positions were established, at the end of the Late Bugaba Phase and Chiriquí Period, did occupants of the valley focus on settling near fertile soil. Surplus food production from fertile soil was not a prime mover in the development of inequalities best expressed in the Late Bugaba Phase, but it was important in the maintenance of those positions. Social factors had a stronger influence in the creation of leadership positions. The ceremonial events at Barriles suggest that feasting (Palumbo 2009) and warfare activities contributed to increasing social inequality.
