Campaign Contributions, Political Activities, and Lobbying, Hearing Before ... 84-2 Pursuant to S. Res. 219 of the 84th Cong. and S. Res. 47 of the 85th Cong., October 8, 10, November 26, 27, December 11, 12, 13, 1956; January 22, February 28, and March 14, 1957 PDF Download
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Author: United States. Congress. Senate. Special Committee to Investigate Poliltical Activities, Lobbying, and Campaign Contributions
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 720
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Book Description
Author: United States. Congress. Senate. Special Committee to Investigate Poliltical Activities, Lobbying, and Campaign Contributions
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 720
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Book Description
Author: United States. Congress. House. Special Committee to Investigate Campaign Expenditures
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 96
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Book Description
Author: Keith Blume
Publisher: Greenwood
ISBN: 9780897890816
Category : Presidents
Languages : en
Pages : 340
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Book Description
Author: United States. Department of the Army
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Korean War, 1950-1953
Languages : en
Pages : 550
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Book Description
... To assist commanders and personnel officers in determining or establishing the eligibility of individual members for campaign participation credit, assault landing credit, unit citation emblems, and occupation duty credit for World War II and for the Korean War.
Author: United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Rules and Administration
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Campaign funds
Languages : en
Pages : 772
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Book Description
Author: Thomas V. Cooper
Publisher:
ISBN: 9781330574133
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 518
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Book Description
Excerpt from Campaign of 84 Hon. James G. Blaine, the Republican nominee for President of the United States, is so well and favorably known to the people of the country, that he needs no introduction to his fellow-citizens. During his eventful life he has taken such a prominent part, and has been such a conspicuous figure in the history of the country as to bring him into every community and every household. Revolutions, exciting events, questions of municipal, state and national importance, bring men to the surface and place them for the time prominently before the people; but when quiet is restored, when the issues have been decided and passed into history, a great majority of the prominent figures sink to the level from which they arose, and are almost forgotten. Men elevated to political prominence and power, wielding the patronage and distributing the favors of official position, are followed by the public eye, heralded by the public press, cajoled and flattered by the myriads of sycophants who bask in the sunshine of power and exist on the gifts of patronage. They are exalted by their office unto greatness, and their names are sounded in the ears of the world through the trumpet of praise until they appear to have attained the summit of human ambition. But when they are stripped of their official position, when they cease to perform in their official role, when they are succeeded by others, and retire to the shades of private life, their followers leave them, their satellites revolve around another centre, and they find that it was the position and not the man that people worshipped, and flattered, and they realize that couplet of Pope: "Imperious Caesar, dead and turned to clay, May stop a hole to keep the wind away." Yet while this may be termed the "common lot" of those who are placed in high positions by their countrymen, yet there are exceptions to the rule. Where honor, love, confidence and fame follow men, and continue as abiding when devoid of power and patronage as when they were at the summit of political power, it shows the worth of the man. "The survival of the fittest" holds true even on the camping ground of honor and fame. How many are unable to name the succession of Presidents and Vice-Presidents. How few can name the cabinets of distinguished men from Washington to Arthur. What a small percentage of the Continental Congress has lived in names familiar to the present generation. It is a very severe, but an excellent test of innate greatness, worth, ability and character, as it separates the man from the office, and gives him to posterity stripped of all extraneous trappings. The man survives as a man; he lives on his intrinsic value, or becomes lost for the want of it. Judged by this standard, James G. Blaine is, in the true sense of the word, a great man. His brilliant intellect and inspiring genius are as fully recognized by the people of the nation as his services as statesman and legislator have been acknowledged. In all the positions he has held, from his first office to that of Prime Minister of the Government, he has been an honor to the position, and hence when he left them he retained that nobility of self which kept him prominent and potential. James G. Blaine has passed through more crucial tests than perhaps any other public man living. His acknowledged intellectuality, his brilliant and magnetic style, his forensic power, and his native genius all tend to place him on so high a pinnacle that no man, unless he be great, can sustain himself in all. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com"
Author: Paula Baker
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
ISBN: 0700618635
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 200
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Book Description
In the 1918 Michigan race for the U.S. Senate, auto tycoon Henry Ford faced off against a less well-known industrialist, Truman Newberry. Bent on countering Ford's fame and endorsement from President Wilson, Newberry's campaign spent an extravagant amount, in fact much more than the law seemed to allow. This led to his conviction under the Federal Corrupt Practices Act-but also to his eventual exoneration in the first campaign finance case to be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court. In Newberry v. United States the Court ruled that Congress had no jurisdiction to regulate primary elections, a controversial decision that allowed southern states to create whites-only primaries and stalled campaign finance reform. In the first book in eight decades on this initial test of federal campaign finance regulations, Paula Baker examines this case study of state and local campaign spending to describe how politicians found their footing in an environment created by progressive reform and invented modern campaigns. Through this seminal election, she pries apart two persistent strains in American political culture: suspicion of money in politics and suspicion of politics itself. In reexamining the story of the 1918 election, Baker takes a broad view of the history of the political reform to probe some of the foundational arguments about why money in politics sometimes seems so corrupt. She follows the controversy as it unfolded-beginning with progressive reform of politics and the remaking of campaigns-then takes readers through the shifting scenes, from Detroit to Washington, where the Ford-Newberry conflict played out. Baker reexamines the political divisions between conservatives and progressive reformers to reveal contradictions in how Progressive Era federal finance regulations worked, with efforts to weaken the power of political parties and democratize politics actually making campaigns more expensive. And although the law opened the door to partisan prosecutions for spending, Congress remained unwilling to craft legislation that actually curbed spending. While legislation in recent decades largely has aimed at contributions rather than spending and the Supreme Court has weighed whether specific limits abridge free speech, Progressive Era ideas about money and politics continue to guide campaign finance reform. Curbing Campaign Cash provides a compelling new account of a key chapter in the history of this issue.
Author: David A. Powell
Publisher: Casemate
ISBN: 1636242901
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 130
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Book Description
A fully illustrated narrative of the Atlanta campaign complete with maps, illustrations, and diagrams. The campaign for Atlanta was pivotal to the outcome of the American Civil War. Roughly 190,000 men waged war across northern Georgia in a struggle that lasted 133 days. Today a national park at Kennesaw commemorates this titanic fight, and there are a surprising number of physical reminders still extant across the state. The struggle for Atlanta divides naturally into two stages. The first half of the campaign, from May to mid-July, can be defined as a war of maneuver, called by one historian the “Red Clay Minuet.” Under Joseph E. Johnston the Confederate Army of Tennessee repeatedly invited battle from strong defensive positions. Under William T. Sherman, the combined Federal armies of the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the Ohio repeatedly avoided attacking those positions; Sherman preferring to outflank them instead. Though there were a number of sharp, bloody engagements during this phase of the campaign, the combats were limited. Only the battles of Resaca and Kennesaw Mountain could be considered general engagements. Johnston’s repeated retreats and the commensurate loss of terrain finally forced Confederate President Jefferson Davis to replace him with a more aggressive commander—John B. Hood. This work will portray the first half of the Atlanta Campaign in text and images, using both historic sketches and photographs, as well as post-war and modern images. Extant trenches, rifle pits, redoubts, shoupades, and other works, as well as the battlefields, will be covered, as well as surviving historic structures and the monuments and cemeteries that commemorate the campaign.
Author: United States. Federal Election Commission
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : Campaign funds
Languages : en
Pages : 1208
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Book Description
Author: Xiao Mei
Publisher: Taylor & Francis
ISBN: 1315408058
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 162
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Book Description
Between 2009 and 2012, the city of Chongqing came into the national, and even international spotlight, as it became the geographical centre of the ‘Singing Red, Smashing Black’ campaign, and later the political storm that swept China. Chongqing’s Red Culture Campaign drew an incredible amount of interest at the time, but speculation and prejudice has since blurred the public understanding of the sensational story that ties the campaign with the rise and fall of a political star, Bo Xilai. This book, therefore, seeks to study the nature of Chongqing’s Red Culture Campaign, and the interaction between the political programme and the practices of its participants. Based on fieldwork conducted in Chongqing, it seeks to question whether the Red Culture Campaign was actually a return to Maoist revolutionary mass campaigning whilst examining the relationship between the CCP's political power and the lives of the ordinary people as reflected in the case of the campaign. Ultimately, it highlights that the campaign was not in fact a real Maoist mass movement. Although it followed the pre-existing model of past mass campaigns in China, containing a series of frequent and highly performative operations, Xiao Mei argues that it essentially demonstrated critical features of ‘simulation’. By contributing to our understanding of the discrepancies between a designed political programme, and what it actually becomes when implemented on the ground, this book will be of use to students and scholars of Chinese Studies, Politics and Sociology.
