Author: Murat Aslan
Publisher: ORSAM
ISBN: 6257219450
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages :
Book Description
The Middle East region was redesigned in the aftermath of the First World War according to the balance and interests between the world powers of the period. Between the two world wars, there had not been much change in local societies and political mechanisms in the Middle East region. After the Second World War, especially since the 1950s, this region has had an important place in the power struggle between the United States of America and the Soviet Union. In the new global order that emerged after the end of the Cold War, the Middle East region continued to undergo regional fluctuations under the influence of new power dynamics. The United States, which was the only global superpower in the 1990s, was acting according to its own interests with its hegemonic power both in world politics and in the Middle East. However, since the 2000s, the world order has become more polarized, and Russia's interest in the region has increased together with China’s. The main focus of this report is to examine the main driving motives behind the economic and trade relations that were formed between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (hereinafter the KSA) and the Russian Federation (hereinafter the RF) since the 1990s. One of the main arguments set forward in this report is that the course of the economic relations between KSA and RF has been guided by the changing political balances and power relations at the global and regional levels. It is clear that explaining bilateral economic relations between countries with only one dimension and simple political (or economic) concepts will be highly unrealistic and extremely insufficient. It is also clear that an explanation based merely on simple economic concepts such as foreign trade, exchange rates, and profit maximization would be incomplete. For these reasons, we find it appropriate to analyze the diplomatic and political relations and developments in the Moscow-Riyadh axis by utilizing an interdisciplinary approach. The perspective of the global political economy offers a powerful explanatory model. In the most recent decades both Moscow and Riyadh have been following proactive foreign policies, and their policy behaviors resemble a complicated mechanism fed from multiple sources. Russia's national economy has been stagnant due to the recent decline in oil prices. Despite the weakening budgetary resources and the economic stagnation, Russia's foreign policy moves are heading towards an extremely proactive trajectory. The important events of the 2000s are the September 11 terrorist attacks, invasion of Iraq by the US, Color Revolutions in the former Soviet geography, 2008 global financial crisis, and the Arab uprisings that have shaken the Middle East since 2010-2011 and their repercussions. These changes have deeply affected the world political system and global governance issues. The Moscow elite focused on two aspects of these changes and developments: the survival of the state and increasing security threats. These major events have fed into Russia's highly assertive and aggressive foreign policy behavior. Military engagement with Georgia in 2008, rapprochement with China and Iran, as well as the improvement of diplomatic relations in the Middle East are some examples in this regard. In particular, Russia's proactive foreign policy behaviors have accelerated since 2012 with Putin’s third term as president, reaching a peak in 2015 when Moscow surprised the international community by actively involving in the Syrian civil war. Since the collapse of the USSR, Russia has been conducting military operations for the first time in a region outside the former Soviet territory. From a global perspective, we observe that Russia's foreign policy has had a significant impact, particularly on Middle Eastern affairs. Russia’s relationship with the Middle East is based on three pillars: restoration of prestige in the global power struggle, security interests, and economic interests (Wasser, 2019). These factors, to a certain extent, also apply to Russia’s bilateral relations with the KSA. Another critical factor in the course of bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia and Russia is the changes in the US perception of global and regional security threats. Especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Saudi Arabia, like all Gulf countries, had its share from the aggressive approach of the US. In the face of Washington's aggressive and unconstructive attitude, the Gulf monarchies had to take some steps for the protection of the status quo. Historically, the relations between the KSA and Russia were mostly shaped by the state of relations between Riyadh and Washington. Yet, the relations between the KSA and Russia have evolved to include economic and political interests in addition to the indirect effects of the power struggle among global powers. Russia's active engagement in the Middle East and the Gulf has both geopolitical and regional dimensions. From the geopolitical point of view, Moscow always looks at the region through the lens of its goal of projecting power at the global level and confronting the West—or simply the US. Thus, regional priorities play a secondary role. Analysts and experts have focused on Russia’s foreign policy actions, including Moscow’s partnership with China, the war against Georgia, conflicts with Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, military intervention in Syria, and the increasing activism in the Eurasian Economic Union, which can be considered to be in line with Russia’s strategy of balancing the West. Such measures are part of a broader strategy aimed at undermining the cohesion in the rival axis, (US, NATO, and the European Union) thus making the Western alliance unable to plan, formulate, and implement a policy on Russia and its near abroad. As an example of the challenge posed by Moscow to the US and its global liberal order, in June 2021, Russia declared that it would remove its dollar assets and replace them with gold and euros. There is a lack of analytical studies that examine Putin's era in the Russian Federation from a political economy perspective. Many crucial issues and questions are yet to be addressed. The most important question in this regard is what are the main factors behind Moscow’s recent activism in the Middle East? This report tries to answer this question by focusing on the interplay of global power dynamics, ideational and domestic sources of Russian foreign policy under the rubric of the global political economy. In the following sections, the study reviews the bilateral relations between the KSA and RF after the Cold War. In the subsequent section, the main pillars of Russian foreign policy are outlined with a political economy approach. Later, the report reviews the macroeconomic characteristics of these two countries. In the fourth section, the study focuses on bilateral relations in a historical context. In the fifth section, the bilateral relations are discussed under the headings of trade, energy, and investment, to shed light on all those issues. In particular, the study offers an in-depth analysis of trade, investment, and energy questions, where we examine the complex interdependency and other dynamics in the global energy markets that, to some extent, shape the recent coordination between the KSA and the Russian Federation. The final section concludes the report.
Orsam Rapor Sayı:32 / Understanding Economic Relations Between Saudi Arabia And Russia
Author: Murat Aslan
Publisher: ORSAM
ISBN: 6257219450
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages :
Book Description
The Middle East region was redesigned in the aftermath of the First World War according to the balance and interests between the world powers of the period. Between the two world wars, there had not been much change in local societies and political mechanisms in the Middle East region. After the Second World War, especially since the 1950s, this region has had an important place in the power struggle between the United States of America and the Soviet Union. In the new global order that emerged after the end of the Cold War, the Middle East region continued to undergo regional fluctuations under the influence of new power dynamics. The United States, which was the only global superpower in the 1990s, was acting according to its own interests with its hegemonic power both in world politics and in the Middle East. However, since the 2000s, the world order has become more polarized, and Russia's interest in the region has increased together with China’s. The main focus of this report is to examine the main driving motives behind the economic and trade relations that were formed between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (hereinafter the KSA) and the Russian Federation (hereinafter the RF) since the 1990s. One of the main arguments set forward in this report is that the course of the economic relations between KSA and RF has been guided by the changing political balances and power relations at the global and regional levels. It is clear that explaining bilateral economic relations between countries with only one dimension and simple political (or economic) concepts will be highly unrealistic and extremely insufficient. It is also clear that an explanation based merely on simple economic concepts such as foreign trade, exchange rates, and profit maximization would be incomplete. For these reasons, we find it appropriate to analyze the diplomatic and political relations and developments in the Moscow-Riyadh axis by utilizing an interdisciplinary approach. The perspective of the global political economy offers a powerful explanatory model. In the most recent decades both Moscow and Riyadh have been following proactive foreign policies, and their policy behaviors resemble a complicated mechanism fed from multiple sources. Russia's national economy has been stagnant due to the recent decline in oil prices. Despite the weakening budgetary resources and the economic stagnation, Russia's foreign policy moves are heading towards an extremely proactive trajectory. The important events of the 2000s are the September 11 terrorist attacks, invasion of Iraq by the US, Color Revolutions in the former Soviet geography, 2008 global financial crisis, and the Arab uprisings that have shaken the Middle East since 2010-2011 and their repercussions. These changes have deeply affected the world political system and global governance issues. The Moscow elite focused on two aspects of these changes and developments: the survival of the state and increasing security threats. These major events have fed into Russia's highly assertive and aggressive foreign policy behavior. Military engagement with Georgia in 2008, rapprochement with China and Iran, as well as the improvement of diplomatic relations in the Middle East are some examples in this regard. In particular, Russia's proactive foreign policy behaviors have accelerated since 2012 with Putin’s third term as president, reaching a peak in 2015 when Moscow surprised the international community by actively involving in the Syrian civil war. Since the collapse of the USSR, Russia has been conducting military operations for the first time in a region outside the former Soviet territory. From a global perspective, we observe that Russia's foreign policy has had a significant impact, particularly on Middle Eastern affairs. Russia’s relationship with the Middle East is based on three pillars: restoration of prestige in the global power struggle, security interests, and economic interests (Wasser, 2019). These factors, to a certain extent, also apply to Russia’s bilateral relations with the KSA. Another critical factor in the course of bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia and Russia is the changes in the US perception of global and regional security threats. Especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Saudi Arabia, like all Gulf countries, had its share from the aggressive approach of the US. In the face of Washington's aggressive and unconstructive attitude, the Gulf monarchies had to take some steps for the protection of the status quo. Historically, the relations between the KSA and Russia were mostly shaped by the state of relations between Riyadh and Washington. Yet, the relations between the KSA and Russia have evolved to include economic and political interests in addition to the indirect effects of the power struggle among global powers. Russia's active engagement in the Middle East and the Gulf has both geopolitical and regional dimensions. From the geopolitical point of view, Moscow always looks at the region through the lens of its goal of projecting power at the global level and confronting the West—or simply the US. Thus, regional priorities play a secondary role. Analysts and experts have focused on Russia’s foreign policy actions, including Moscow’s partnership with China, the war against Georgia, conflicts with Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, military intervention in Syria, and the increasing activism in the Eurasian Economic Union, which can be considered to be in line with Russia’s strategy of balancing the West. Such measures are part of a broader strategy aimed at undermining the cohesion in the rival axis, (US, NATO, and the European Union) thus making the Western alliance unable to plan, formulate, and implement a policy on Russia and its near abroad. As an example of the challenge posed by Moscow to the US and its global liberal order, in June 2021, Russia declared that it would remove its dollar assets and replace them with gold and euros. There is a lack of analytical studies that examine Putin's era in the Russian Federation from a political economy perspective. Many crucial issues and questions are yet to be addressed. The most important question in this regard is what are the main factors behind Moscow’s recent activism in the Middle East? This report tries to answer this question by focusing on the interplay of global power dynamics, ideational and domestic sources of Russian foreign policy under the rubric of the global political economy. In the following sections, the study reviews the bilateral relations between the KSA and RF after the Cold War. In the subsequent section, the main pillars of Russian foreign policy are outlined with a political economy approach. Later, the report reviews the macroeconomic characteristics of these two countries. In the fourth section, the study focuses on bilateral relations in a historical context. In the fifth section, the bilateral relations are discussed under the headings of trade, energy, and investment, to shed light on all those issues. In particular, the study offers an in-depth analysis of trade, investment, and energy questions, where we examine the complex interdependency and other dynamics in the global energy markets that, to some extent, shape the recent coordination between the KSA and the Russian Federation. The final section concludes the report.
Publisher: ORSAM
ISBN: 6257219450
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages :
Book Description
The Middle East region was redesigned in the aftermath of the First World War according to the balance and interests between the world powers of the period. Between the two world wars, there had not been much change in local societies and political mechanisms in the Middle East region. After the Second World War, especially since the 1950s, this region has had an important place in the power struggle between the United States of America and the Soviet Union. In the new global order that emerged after the end of the Cold War, the Middle East region continued to undergo regional fluctuations under the influence of new power dynamics. The United States, which was the only global superpower in the 1990s, was acting according to its own interests with its hegemonic power both in world politics and in the Middle East. However, since the 2000s, the world order has become more polarized, and Russia's interest in the region has increased together with China’s. The main focus of this report is to examine the main driving motives behind the economic and trade relations that were formed between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (hereinafter the KSA) and the Russian Federation (hereinafter the RF) since the 1990s. One of the main arguments set forward in this report is that the course of the economic relations between KSA and RF has been guided by the changing political balances and power relations at the global and regional levels. It is clear that explaining bilateral economic relations between countries with only one dimension and simple political (or economic) concepts will be highly unrealistic and extremely insufficient. It is also clear that an explanation based merely on simple economic concepts such as foreign trade, exchange rates, and profit maximization would be incomplete. For these reasons, we find it appropriate to analyze the diplomatic and political relations and developments in the Moscow-Riyadh axis by utilizing an interdisciplinary approach. The perspective of the global political economy offers a powerful explanatory model. In the most recent decades both Moscow and Riyadh have been following proactive foreign policies, and their policy behaviors resemble a complicated mechanism fed from multiple sources. Russia's national economy has been stagnant due to the recent decline in oil prices. Despite the weakening budgetary resources and the economic stagnation, Russia's foreign policy moves are heading towards an extremely proactive trajectory. The important events of the 2000s are the September 11 terrorist attacks, invasion of Iraq by the US, Color Revolutions in the former Soviet geography, 2008 global financial crisis, and the Arab uprisings that have shaken the Middle East since 2010-2011 and their repercussions. These changes have deeply affected the world political system and global governance issues. The Moscow elite focused on two aspects of these changes and developments: the survival of the state and increasing security threats. These major events have fed into Russia's highly assertive and aggressive foreign policy behavior. Military engagement with Georgia in 2008, rapprochement with China and Iran, as well as the improvement of diplomatic relations in the Middle East are some examples in this regard. In particular, Russia's proactive foreign policy behaviors have accelerated since 2012 with Putin’s third term as president, reaching a peak in 2015 when Moscow surprised the international community by actively involving in the Syrian civil war. Since the collapse of the USSR, Russia has been conducting military operations for the first time in a region outside the former Soviet territory. From a global perspective, we observe that Russia's foreign policy has had a significant impact, particularly on Middle Eastern affairs. Russia’s relationship with the Middle East is based on three pillars: restoration of prestige in the global power struggle, security interests, and economic interests (Wasser, 2019). These factors, to a certain extent, also apply to Russia’s bilateral relations with the KSA. Another critical factor in the course of bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia and Russia is the changes in the US perception of global and regional security threats. Especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Saudi Arabia, like all Gulf countries, had its share from the aggressive approach of the US. In the face of Washington's aggressive and unconstructive attitude, the Gulf monarchies had to take some steps for the protection of the status quo. Historically, the relations between the KSA and Russia were mostly shaped by the state of relations between Riyadh and Washington. Yet, the relations between the KSA and Russia have evolved to include economic and political interests in addition to the indirect effects of the power struggle among global powers. Russia's active engagement in the Middle East and the Gulf has both geopolitical and regional dimensions. From the geopolitical point of view, Moscow always looks at the region through the lens of its goal of projecting power at the global level and confronting the West—or simply the US. Thus, regional priorities play a secondary role. Analysts and experts have focused on Russia’s foreign policy actions, including Moscow’s partnership with China, the war against Georgia, conflicts with Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, military intervention in Syria, and the increasing activism in the Eurasian Economic Union, which can be considered to be in line with Russia’s strategy of balancing the West. Such measures are part of a broader strategy aimed at undermining the cohesion in the rival axis, (US, NATO, and the European Union) thus making the Western alliance unable to plan, formulate, and implement a policy on Russia and its near abroad. As an example of the challenge posed by Moscow to the US and its global liberal order, in June 2021, Russia declared that it would remove its dollar assets and replace them with gold and euros. There is a lack of analytical studies that examine Putin's era in the Russian Federation from a political economy perspective. Many crucial issues and questions are yet to be addressed. The most important question in this regard is what are the main factors behind Moscow’s recent activism in the Middle East? This report tries to answer this question by focusing on the interplay of global power dynamics, ideational and domestic sources of Russian foreign policy under the rubric of the global political economy. In the following sections, the study reviews the bilateral relations between the KSA and RF after the Cold War. In the subsequent section, the main pillars of Russian foreign policy are outlined with a political economy approach. Later, the report reviews the macroeconomic characteristics of these two countries. In the fourth section, the study focuses on bilateral relations in a historical context. In the fifth section, the bilateral relations are discussed under the headings of trade, energy, and investment, to shed light on all those issues. In particular, the study offers an in-depth analysis of trade, investment, and energy questions, where we examine the complex interdependency and other dynamics in the global energy markets that, to some extent, shape the recent coordination between the KSA and the Russian Federation. The final section concludes the report.
Macroeconomic Effects of Reforms on Three Diverse Oil Exporters: Russia, Saudi Arabia, and the UK
Author: Samya Beidas-Strom
Publisher: International Monetary Fund
ISBN: 151351718X
Category : Business & Economics
Languages : en
Pages : 66
Book Description
We build and estimate open economy two-bloc DSGE models to study the transmission and impact of shocks in Russia, Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom. After accounting for country-specific fiscal and monetary sectors, we estimate their key policy and structural parameters. Our findings suggest that not only has output responded differently to shocks due to differing levels of diversification and structural and policy settings, but also the responses to fiscal consolidation differ: Russia would benefit from a smaller state foot-print, while in Saudi Arabia, unless this is accompanied by structural reforms that remove rigidities, output would fall. We also find that lower oil prices need not be bad news given more oil-intensive production structures. However, lower oil prices have hurt these oil producers as their public finances depend heavily on oil, among other factors. Productivity gains accompanied by ambitious structural reforms, along with fiscal and monetary reforms could support these economies to achieve better outcomes when oil prices fall, including via diversifying exports.
Publisher: International Monetary Fund
ISBN: 151351718X
Category : Business & Economics
Languages : en
Pages : 66
Book Description
We build and estimate open economy two-bloc DSGE models to study the transmission and impact of shocks in Russia, Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom. After accounting for country-specific fiscal and monetary sectors, we estimate their key policy and structural parameters. Our findings suggest that not only has output responded differently to shocks due to differing levels of diversification and structural and policy settings, but also the responses to fiscal consolidation differ: Russia would benefit from a smaller state foot-print, while in Saudi Arabia, unless this is accompanied by structural reforms that remove rigidities, output would fall. We also find that lower oil prices need not be bad news given more oil-intensive production structures. However, lower oil prices have hurt these oil producers as their public finances depend heavily on oil, among other factors. Productivity gains accompanied by ambitious structural reforms, along with fiscal and monetary reforms could support these economies to achieve better outcomes when oil prices fall, including via diversifying exports.
Russia in the Middle East and North Africa
Author: Taylor & Francis Group
Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 9781032236605
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 198
Book Description
This book examines Russia's re-engagement with the Middle East and North Africa through the historical drivers of Russian interest in the MENA region and current Russian policies. It unpacks key aspects of Russian presence in the area, including national interest, historical ties, economic, political and cultural cooperation.
Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 9781032236605
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 198
Book Description
This book examines Russia's re-engagement with the Middle East and North Africa through the historical drivers of Russian interest in the MENA region and current Russian policies. It unpacks key aspects of Russian presence in the area, including national interest, historical ties, economic, political and cultural cooperation.
Black Wave
Author: Kim Ghattas
Publisher: Henry Holt and Company
ISBN: 1250131219
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 278
Book Description
A New York Times Notable Book of 2020 “[A] sweeping and authoritative history" (The New York Times Book Review), Black Wave is an unprecedented and ambitious examination of how the modern Middle East unraveled and why it started with the pivotal year of 1979. Kim Ghattas seamlessly weaves together history, geopolitics, and culture to deliver a gripping read of the largely unexplored story of the rivalry between between Saudi Arabia and Iran, born from the sparks of the 1979 Iranian revolution and fueled by American policy. With vivid story-telling, extensive historical research and on-the-ground reporting, Ghattas dispels accepted truths about a region she calls home. She explores how Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran, once allies and twin pillars of US strategy in the region, became mortal enemies after 1979. She shows how they used and distorted religion in a competition that went well beyond geopolitics. Feeding intolerance, suppressing cultural expression, and encouraging sectarian violence from Egypt to Pakistan, the war for cultural supremacy led to Iran’s fatwa against author Salman Rushdie, the assassination of countless intellectuals, the birth of groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon, the September 11th terrorist attacks, and the rise of ISIS. Ghattas introduces us to a riveting cast of characters whose lives were upended by the geopolitical drama over four decades: from the Pakistani television anchor who defied her country’s dictator, to the Egyptian novelist thrown in jail for indecent writings all the way to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018. Black Wave is both an intimate and sweeping history of the region and will significantly alter perceptions of the Middle East.
Publisher: Henry Holt and Company
ISBN: 1250131219
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 278
Book Description
A New York Times Notable Book of 2020 “[A] sweeping and authoritative history" (The New York Times Book Review), Black Wave is an unprecedented and ambitious examination of how the modern Middle East unraveled and why it started with the pivotal year of 1979. Kim Ghattas seamlessly weaves together history, geopolitics, and culture to deliver a gripping read of the largely unexplored story of the rivalry between between Saudi Arabia and Iran, born from the sparks of the 1979 Iranian revolution and fueled by American policy. With vivid story-telling, extensive historical research and on-the-ground reporting, Ghattas dispels accepted truths about a region she calls home. She explores how Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran, once allies and twin pillars of US strategy in the region, became mortal enemies after 1979. She shows how they used and distorted religion in a competition that went well beyond geopolitics. Feeding intolerance, suppressing cultural expression, and encouraging sectarian violence from Egypt to Pakistan, the war for cultural supremacy led to Iran’s fatwa against author Salman Rushdie, the assassination of countless intellectuals, the birth of groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon, the September 11th terrorist attacks, and the rise of ISIS. Ghattas introduces us to a riveting cast of characters whose lives were upended by the geopolitical drama over four decades: from the Pakistani television anchor who defied her country’s dictator, to the Egyptian novelist thrown in jail for indecent writings all the way to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018. Black Wave is both an intimate and sweeping history of the region and will significantly alter perceptions of the Middle East.
Wheel of Fortune
Author: Thane Gustafson
Publisher: Belknap Press
ISBN: 0674066472
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 673
Book Description
A Foreign Affairs Best Book of the Year on Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Republics The Russian oil industry—which vies with Saudi Arabia as the world’s largest producer and exporter of oil, providing nearly 12 percent of the global supply—is facing mounting problems that could send shock waves through the Russian economy and worldwide. Wheel of Fortune provides an authoritative account of this vital industry from the last years of communism to its uncertain future. Tracking the interdependence among Russia’s oil industry, politics, and economy, Thane Gustafson shows how the stakes extend beyond international energy security to include the potential threat of a destabilized Russia. “Few have studied the Russian oil and gas industry longer or with a broader political perspective than Gustafson. The result is this superb book, which is not merely a fascinating, subtle history of the industry since the Soviet Union’s collapse but also the single most revealing work on Russian politics and economics published in the last several years.” —Robert Legvold, Foreign Affairs “The history of Russia’s oil industry since the collapse of communism is the history of the country itself. There can be few better guides to this terrain than Thane Gustafson.” —Neil Buckley, Financial Times
Publisher: Belknap Press
ISBN: 0674066472
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 673
Book Description
A Foreign Affairs Best Book of the Year on Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Republics The Russian oil industry—which vies with Saudi Arabia as the world’s largest producer and exporter of oil, providing nearly 12 percent of the global supply—is facing mounting problems that could send shock waves through the Russian economy and worldwide. Wheel of Fortune provides an authoritative account of this vital industry from the last years of communism to its uncertain future. Tracking the interdependence among Russia’s oil industry, politics, and economy, Thane Gustafson shows how the stakes extend beyond international energy security to include the potential threat of a destabilized Russia. “Few have studied the Russian oil and gas industry longer or with a broader political perspective than Gustafson. The result is this superb book, which is not merely a fascinating, subtle history of the industry since the Soviet Union’s collapse but also the single most revealing work on Russian politics and economics published in the last several years.” —Robert Legvold, Foreign Affairs “The history of Russia’s oil industry since the collapse of communism is the history of the country itself. There can be few better guides to this terrain than Thane Gustafson.” —Neil Buckley, Financial Times
No Place for Russia
Author: William H. Hill
Publisher: Columbia University Press
ISBN: 0231704585
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 0
Book Description
The optimistic vision of a “Europe whole and free” after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 has given way to disillusionment, bitterness, and renewed hostility between Russia and the West. In No Place for Russia, William H. Hill traces the development of the post–Cold War European security order to explain today’s tensions, showing how attempts to integrate Russia into a unified Euro-Atlantic security order were gradually overshadowed by the domination of NATO and the EU—at Russia’s expense. Hill argues that the redivision of Europe has been largely unintended and not the result of any single decision or action. Instead, the current situation is the cumulative result of many decisions—reasonably made at the time—that gradually produced the current security architecture and led to mutual mistrust. Hill analyzes the United States’ decision to remain in Europe after the Cold War, the emergence of Germany as a major power on the continent, and the transformation of Russia into a nation-state, placing major weight on NATO’s evolution from an alliance dedicated primarily to static collective territorial defense into a security organization with global ambitions and capabilities. Closing with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and war in eastern Ukraine, No Place for Russia argues that the post–Cold War security order in Europe has been irrevocably shattered, to be replaced by a new and as-yet-undefined order.
Publisher: Columbia University Press
ISBN: 0231704585
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 0
Book Description
The optimistic vision of a “Europe whole and free” after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 has given way to disillusionment, bitterness, and renewed hostility between Russia and the West. In No Place for Russia, William H. Hill traces the development of the post–Cold War European security order to explain today’s tensions, showing how attempts to integrate Russia into a unified Euro-Atlantic security order were gradually overshadowed by the domination of NATO and the EU—at Russia’s expense. Hill argues that the redivision of Europe has been largely unintended and not the result of any single decision or action. Instead, the current situation is the cumulative result of many decisions—reasonably made at the time—that gradually produced the current security architecture and led to mutual mistrust. Hill analyzes the United States’ decision to remain in Europe after the Cold War, the emergence of Germany as a major power on the continent, and the transformation of Russia into a nation-state, placing major weight on NATO’s evolution from an alliance dedicated primarily to static collective territorial defense into a security organization with global ambitions and capabilities. Closing with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and war in eastern Ukraine, No Place for Russia argues that the post–Cold War security order in Europe has been irrevocably shattered, to be replaced by a new and as-yet-undefined order.
Russia in the Middle East and North Africa
Author: Chiara Lovotti
Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 1000051730
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 197
Book Description
After decades of intense interest and rivalry with the USA, the end of the Cold War and the dismantling of the USSR officially marked a period of significant retreat of Russia from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). However, with Russia’s economic recovery and the entrenchment of President Vladimir Putin, Russia’s interest in the region has risen anew. Once again seen as a battleground to contest US hegemony, Russia has expanded its political, military and (to a lesser extent) economic relationships across the region. Most apparent in the military intervention in Syria, Russia has also been engaged with traditional rivals Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, stepping into the vacuum left by the US Obama Administration. Is Russia’s reengagement part of a strategy, or is it mere opportunism? Authors with different backgrounds, experiences and origins examine this question via an analysis of the historical drivers of Russian interest in the MENA region and the factors underlying current Russian policies.
Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 1000051730
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 197
Book Description
After decades of intense interest and rivalry with the USA, the end of the Cold War and the dismantling of the USSR officially marked a period of significant retreat of Russia from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). However, with Russia’s economic recovery and the entrenchment of President Vladimir Putin, Russia’s interest in the region has risen anew. Once again seen as a battleground to contest US hegemony, Russia has expanded its political, military and (to a lesser extent) economic relationships across the region. Most apparent in the military intervention in Syria, Russia has also been engaged with traditional rivals Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, stepping into the vacuum left by the US Obama Administration. Is Russia’s reengagement part of a strategy, or is it mere opportunism? Authors with different backgrounds, experiences and origins examine this question via an analysis of the historical drivers of Russian interest in the MENA region and the factors underlying current Russian policies.
Russia in the Middle East
Author: Andrej Kreutz
Publisher: Bloomsbury Publishing USA
ISBN: 0313087768
Category : Social Science
Languages : en
Pages : 233
Book Description
Kreutz examines the goals and strategies of Russia and the former Soviet Union toward most of the Arab states in the Middle East. The author argues that Russia has been an important actor in the region for over a century and has tried to regain its influence in several countries following its strategic retreat after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. However, according to Kreutz, Moscow does not seek confrontation with the United States or with the West in general in the region. Rather, the Russians are interested in peace and stability in the region, which is close to its borders. Because of that, although Moscow wants to cultivate its links with Israel, it also seeks to reach a peaceful and balanced solution to the Palestinian-Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflicts, taking Palestinian and Arab interests into account. Washington can better engage Moscow as a stabilizing force in the Middle East and as a collaborator in the struggle against Islamic terrorists. At the same time, the United States must be cognizant of where Washington and Moscow diverge. Although Russia may be too weak now to compete with the United States on a global scale, it is not happy to see American or EU encroachment close to its own neighborhood. If we take their weakness for granted and become blind to the possibilities for Russian alliances in the region, we do so to our disadvantage. This book demonstrates Russia's enduring interest and influence in the Arab Middle East.
Publisher: Bloomsbury Publishing USA
ISBN: 0313087768
Category : Social Science
Languages : en
Pages : 233
Book Description
Kreutz examines the goals and strategies of Russia and the former Soviet Union toward most of the Arab states in the Middle East. The author argues that Russia has been an important actor in the region for over a century and has tried to regain its influence in several countries following its strategic retreat after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. However, according to Kreutz, Moscow does not seek confrontation with the United States or with the West in general in the region. Rather, the Russians are interested in peace and stability in the region, which is close to its borders. Because of that, although Moscow wants to cultivate its links with Israel, it also seeks to reach a peaceful and balanced solution to the Palestinian-Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflicts, taking Palestinian and Arab interests into account. Washington can better engage Moscow as a stabilizing force in the Middle East and as a collaborator in the struggle against Islamic terrorists. At the same time, the United States must be cognizant of where Washington and Moscow diverge. Although Russia may be too weak now to compete with the United States on a global scale, it is not happy to see American or EU encroachment close to its own neighborhood. If we take their weakness for granted and become blind to the possibilities for Russian alliances in the region, we do so to our disadvantage. This book demonstrates Russia's enduring interest and influence in the Arab Middle East.
What Is Russia Up To in the Middle East?
Author: Dmitri Trenin
Publisher: John Wiley & Sons
ISBN: 1509522344
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 144
Book Description
The eyes of the world are on the Middle East. Today, more than ever, this deeply-troubled region is the focus of power games between major global players vying for international influence. Absent from this scene for the past quarter century, Russia is now back with gusto. Yet its motivations, decision-making processes and strategic objectives remain hard to pin down. So just what is Russia up to in the Middle East? In this hard-hitting essay, leading analyst of Russian affairs Dmitri Trenin cuts through the hyperbole to offer a clear and nuanced analysis of Russia's involvement in the Middle East and its regional and global ramifications. Russia, he argues, cannot and will not supplant the U.S. as the leading external power in the region, but its actions are accelerating changes which will fundamentally remake the international system in the next two decades.
Publisher: John Wiley & Sons
ISBN: 1509522344
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 144
Book Description
The eyes of the world are on the Middle East. Today, more than ever, this deeply-troubled region is the focus of power games between major global players vying for international influence. Absent from this scene for the past quarter century, Russia is now back with gusto. Yet its motivations, decision-making processes and strategic objectives remain hard to pin down. So just what is Russia up to in the Middle East? In this hard-hitting essay, leading analyst of Russian affairs Dmitri Trenin cuts through the hyperbole to offer a clear and nuanced analysis of Russia's involvement in the Middle East and its regional and global ramifications. Russia, he argues, cannot and will not supplant the U.S. as the leading external power in the region, but its actions are accelerating changes which will fundamentally remake the international system in the next two decades.
Russia’s Relations with the GCC and Iran
Author: Nikolay Kozhanov
Publisher: Springer Nature
ISBN: 9813347309
Category : Business & Economics
Languages : en
Pages : 313
Book Description
This book offers insight into the motives behind Moscow’s behaviour in the Persian Gulf (with a specific focus on the GCC member states and Iran), considering Russia’s growing role in the Middle East and its desire to protect national interests using a wide range of means. The book explores the drivers and motivations of the Russian foreign policy in the Gulf region, thus, helping the audience to generate informed prognosis about Moscow’s moves in this area over the next years. In contrast to most studies of Russia’s presence in the region, this book considers the Russian involvement in the Gulf from two standpoints – the Russian and foreign. The idea of the book is to take several key problems of Moscow’s presence in the Gulf, each of these to be covered by two authors—Russian and non-Russian scholars, in order to offer the readers alternative visions of Moscow’s policies towards Iran and the GCC countries
Publisher: Springer Nature
ISBN: 9813347309
Category : Business & Economics
Languages : en
Pages : 313
Book Description
This book offers insight into the motives behind Moscow’s behaviour in the Persian Gulf (with a specific focus on the GCC member states and Iran), considering Russia’s growing role in the Middle East and its desire to protect national interests using a wide range of means. The book explores the drivers and motivations of the Russian foreign policy in the Gulf region, thus, helping the audience to generate informed prognosis about Moscow’s moves in this area over the next years. In contrast to most studies of Russia’s presence in the region, this book considers the Russian involvement in the Gulf from two standpoints – the Russian and foreign. The idea of the book is to take several key problems of Moscow’s presence in the Gulf, each of these to be covered by two authors—Russian and non-Russian scholars, in order to offer the readers alternative visions of Moscow’s policies towards Iran and the GCC countries