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Author: Charles River Charles River Editors
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781985003101
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 82
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Book Description
*Includes pictures *Explains the group's ideology and differences with the Islamic State *Includes online resources, footnotes, and a bibliography for further reading *Includes a table of contents Since the Arab Spring uprising of 2011, reports of terrorist attacks around the world have flooded international media. Syria, a country about one and half times the size of Texas, has become the central battleground for many terrorist groups; those the world often focuses on and has heard much of--such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (also known as ISIS and Da'ash, but from here on referred to as ISIL)--and those the world rarely hears about and is unable to make distinctions between others--such as Jabhat Al-Nusra. Despite the lack of focused attention on its activities, Jabhat Al-Nusra (or, the Nusra Front as it is sometimes referred to) has built quite a reputation in Syria and the greater Middle East for its seemingly endless supply of weapons, ability to ally with strategic partners, and its peculiar mix of international, albeit notorious, supporters inside the country. Jabhat Al-Nusra's formal name is, "Jabhat Al-Nusra li-Ahl al-Sham," or, the "Victorious Support Front for the People of Sham (or, Syria)" and the group first emerged on the international scene in early 2012 as a localized Syrian affiliate of Al-Qaeda in Iraq. The group has carried out numerous terrorist attacks and kidnappings, and has been involved in a variety of battles against Bashar Assad's Syrian government forces as well as against other anti-government factions such as ISIL. The complexity of the Syrian Civil War is most definitely reflected in the complexity of the groups fighting for power within and around its borders; Jabhat Al-Nusra is no exception. The group's relationship with ISIL, Al-Qaeda, and the other militant factions within Syria is complicated and appears often conflictual: as of the time of this writing, Jabhat Al-Nusra had announced its split from Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) but analysts believe this is nothing more than a re-branding technique to attract all fighting elements in Syria to be under its own umbrella of control. The international community's response to the Syria Civil War has been quite disorganized. The United States was quick to support the protester movements across the region during the Arab Spring which put Syrian President Bashar Assad on high alert. As the war commenced inside Syria, Russia was quick to rush to Assad's defense and aid both inside the country and to the international community more generally. This situation pitted the U.S. and Russia against each other once again which left the Syrian people in between. Jabhat Al-Nusra took this as an opportunity to fill in the gap where the world's superpowers failed them. Not only is Al-Nusra attempting to gain legitimacy within the country, they want to show the world they are the only force fighting for the Sunnis of Syria. From the summer of 2014 to 2016, the U.S.-led coalition has focused much of its effort on destroying the brutal ISIL whose territory encompasses parts of both Iraq and Syria. Al-Nusra has capitalized on ISIL's time in the spotlight and carved its own niche among Syrians, developing relationships and carrying out small scale battles against the Assad regime and rival rebel militant groups around the country. This has been particularly attractive to countries like Turkey and Qatar, whose feel their own position in the region may shift depending on the outcome of the war and the United States' changing relationship with Iran. Al-Nusra certainly appears more appealing than ISIL. In late July 2016, Al-Nusra evolved once more by changing its name to Jabhat Fatah Al-Sham and officially cutting ties with Al-Qaeda. According to analysts, this move is just another step in a long-term effort for Al-Nusra to make itself seem different than the other groups it competes with in the region.
Author: Charles River Charles River Editors
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781985003101
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 82
Get Book Here
Book Description
*Includes pictures *Explains the group's ideology and differences with the Islamic State *Includes online resources, footnotes, and a bibliography for further reading *Includes a table of contents Since the Arab Spring uprising of 2011, reports of terrorist attacks around the world have flooded international media. Syria, a country about one and half times the size of Texas, has become the central battleground for many terrorist groups; those the world often focuses on and has heard much of--such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (also known as ISIS and Da'ash, but from here on referred to as ISIL)--and those the world rarely hears about and is unable to make distinctions between others--such as Jabhat Al-Nusra. Despite the lack of focused attention on its activities, Jabhat Al-Nusra (or, the Nusra Front as it is sometimes referred to) has built quite a reputation in Syria and the greater Middle East for its seemingly endless supply of weapons, ability to ally with strategic partners, and its peculiar mix of international, albeit notorious, supporters inside the country. Jabhat Al-Nusra's formal name is, "Jabhat Al-Nusra li-Ahl al-Sham," or, the "Victorious Support Front for the People of Sham (or, Syria)" and the group first emerged on the international scene in early 2012 as a localized Syrian affiliate of Al-Qaeda in Iraq. The group has carried out numerous terrorist attacks and kidnappings, and has been involved in a variety of battles against Bashar Assad's Syrian government forces as well as against other anti-government factions such as ISIL. The complexity of the Syrian Civil War is most definitely reflected in the complexity of the groups fighting for power within and around its borders; Jabhat Al-Nusra is no exception. The group's relationship with ISIL, Al-Qaeda, and the other militant factions within Syria is complicated and appears often conflictual: as of the time of this writing, Jabhat Al-Nusra had announced its split from Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) but analysts believe this is nothing more than a re-branding technique to attract all fighting elements in Syria to be under its own umbrella of control. The international community's response to the Syria Civil War has been quite disorganized. The United States was quick to support the protester movements across the region during the Arab Spring which put Syrian President Bashar Assad on high alert. As the war commenced inside Syria, Russia was quick to rush to Assad's defense and aid both inside the country and to the international community more generally. This situation pitted the U.S. and Russia against each other once again which left the Syrian people in between. Jabhat Al-Nusra took this as an opportunity to fill in the gap where the world's superpowers failed them. Not only is Al-Nusra attempting to gain legitimacy within the country, they want to show the world they are the only force fighting for the Sunnis of Syria. From the summer of 2014 to 2016, the U.S.-led coalition has focused much of its effort on destroying the brutal ISIL whose territory encompasses parts of both Iraq and Syria. Al-Nusra has capitalized on ISIL's time in the spotlight and carved its own niche among Syrians, developing relationships and carrying out small scale battles against the Assad regime and rival rebel militant groups around the country. This has been particularly attractive to countries like Turkey and Qatar, whose feel their own position in the region may shift depending on the outcome of the war and the United States' changing relationship with Iran. Al-Nusra certainly appears more appealing than ISIL. In late July 2016, Al-Nusra evolved once more by changing its name to Jabhat Fatah Al-Sham and officially cutting ties with Al-Qaeda. According to analysts, this move is just another step in a long-term effort for Al-Nusra to make itself seem different than the other groups it competes with in the region.
Author: Yvone Schnepf
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 56
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Book Description
The Syrian civil war is a long-running armed conflict predominantly fought between the Syrian government, headed by President Bashar al-Assad, and several opposing forces, including the Islamic State. Western countries have stayed out of it, but the US and its allies have been conducting airstrikes in Syria since 2014 to combat Islamic extremists. This book exposes the Syrian civil war, and the formation process as well as the development of The al-Nusra Front, and its connection to Al-Qaeda. Its objectives were to overthrow Bashar al-Assad's government in Syria and establish an Islamic emirate governed by sharia law. This book reveals: The Syrian Civil War The Foundations of the Al-Nusra Front Ideology And Tactics Jabhat Al-Nusra's Battlefields International Responses Financing And Supporting the Jihad Rebranding Jabhat Al-Nusra
Author: Hamza al-Mustapha
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 0
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Book Description
Author: James Reston
Publisher:
ISBN: 9781645720201
Category : Fiction
Languages : en
Pages : 272
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Book Description
Everyone knows what happened on September 11, 2001. But do we really know what was behind this act of war? What was the lure? What was it about the Hamburg cell that appealed to him? What lured this educated son of a successful Lebanese family to the jihadist message of destruction and annihiliation that would result in the death of 3170 Americans? These questions torment Sami Haddad as he pondered his choice, in August of 2001, whether or not to join the 9-ll hijackers. Through a series of tape recordings which Sami had made in the months before the operation, he tells his beautiful and feisty Turkish-German lover, Karima Ilgun, of his first meeting with Muhammad Atta in Hamburg, of his training in Afghanistan under the watchful eye of Al Qaeda's military chief, of his meeting with Osama bin Ladin where he swears his oath of allegiance, and of his final months of preparation in Florida where he comes to loath Muhammad Atta but cannot find the courage to flee. A sense of doubt and skepticism suffuses his musings to her, but also of weakness. After the attack on 9/11, Kommissar Recht, a rumpled German government investigator), is tasked to ferret out Karima's role, if any, as an Al Qaeda operative. He comes to suspect that she is withholding valuable evidence, but under German privacy law he is barred from employing strong-arm tactics that would force her to talk. Surviving members of the Al Qaeda cell in Hamburg also suspect Karima is hiding Sami's tapes. To them Sami's recollections are sacred artifacts of what they deemed to be their successful mission, but they fear his presentation of the attack might be something less than heroic. Karima is caught between these two forces, either of which could have terrible consequences for her. How she resolves this dilemma is the climax of the novel.
Author: Charles R. Lister
Publisher: Oxford University Press
ISBN: 0190462477
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 516
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Book Description
The book contains a great deal of primary source material gleaned from three years of engagement and contacts within the Islamist and jihadist communities active in Syria. This includes much information never before made public by any source.
Author: Thomas Lynch
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781542915311
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 44
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Book Description
Central Asia is the third largest point of origin for Salafi jihadist foreign fighters in the conflagration in Syria and Iraq, with more than 4,000 total fighters joining the conflict since 2012 and 2,500 reportedly arriving in the 2014-2015 timeframe alone. As the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) continues to lose territory under duress from U.S.-led anti-ISIL coalition activities, some predict that many may return home bent on jihad and generating terror and instability across Central Asia. Yet several factors indicate that such an ominous foreign fighter return may not materialize. Among these factors are that a majority of Central Asians fighting for ISIL and the al-Nusra Front in Syria and Iraq are recruited while working abroad in Russia, often from low-wage jobs under poor conditions making the recruits ripe for radicalization. In addition, many of those heading for jihad in Syria and the Levant expect that they are on a "one way journey," some to martyrdom but most for a completely new life, and do not plan a return. Most Central Asian states face their greatest risk of domestic instability and violent extremism as a reaction to political repression and counterterrorism (CT) policies that counterproductively conflate political opposition and the open practice of Islam with a domestic jihadist threat. If improperly calibrated, greater U.S. CT assistance to address foreign fighter returns may strengthen illiberal regime short-term focus on political power consolidation, overplay the limited risks of foreign fighter returns, and increase the risks of domestic unrest and future instability. The United States has few means to pressure Central Asian regimes into policies that address the main drivers of domestic radicalization, such as political inclusion and religious freedom. Although an imperfect instrument, U.S. security assistance-and the specific subset of CT assistance-is a significant lever. U.S. CT assistance for Central Asia should eschew additional general lethal assistance and instead scope security attention toward border security intelligence and physical capacity enhancements. This CT aid should be paired with important, complementary socioeconomic programs that help with countering violent extremism, including greater religious and political openness along with support for the Central Asian diaspora.
Author: Shadi Hamid
Publisher: Oxford University Press
ISBN: 0199314071
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 281
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Book Description
In 1989, Francis Fukuyama famously announced the "end of history." The Berlin Wall had fallen; liberal democracy had won out. But what of illiberal democracy--the idea that popular majorities, working through the democratic process, might reject gender equality, religious freedoms, and other norms that Western democracies take for granted? Nowhere have such considerations become more relevant than in the Middle East, where the uprisings of 2011 swept the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups to power. In Temptations of Power, Shadi Hamid draws on hundreds of interviews with leaders and activists from across the region to advance a new understanding of how Islamist movements change over time. He puts forward the bold thesis that repression "forced" Islamists to moderate their politics, work in coalitions, de-emphasize Islamic law, and set aside the dream of an Islamic state. Meanwhile, democratic openings in the 1980s--and again during the Arab Spring--pushed Islamists back toward their original conservatism. With the uprisings of 2011, Islamists found themselves in an enviable position, but one for which they were unprepared. Groups like the Brotherhood combine the features of both political parties and religious movements, leading to an inherent tension they have struggled to resolve. However pragmatic they may be, their ultimate goal remains the Islamization of society. When the electorate they represent is conservative as well, they can push their own form of illiberal democracy while insisting they are carrying out the popular will. This can lead to overreach and significant backlash. Yet, while the Egyptian coup and the subsequent crackdown were a devastating blow for the Islamist "project," obituaries of political Islam are premature. As long as the battle over the role of religion in public life continues, Islamist parties in countries as diverse as Egypt, Tunisia, and Jordan will remain an important force whether in the ranks of opposition or the halls of power. But what are the key factors driving their evolution? A timely and provocative reassessment, Hamid's account serves as an essential compass for those trying to understand where the region's varied Islamist groups have come from and where they might be headed.
Author: Ma Vickerman
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 212
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Book Description
Of the 18,814 deaths caused by terrorists around the world last year, well over half were due to the actions of just four groups: al-Qaeda, the Islamic State, the Nusra Front, and Boko Haram. Since the attacks on September 11, 2001, the world has struggled to define al-Qaeda, an amorphous, growing, and seemingly inexhaustible organization. Once a relatively organized group based in one country with a defined hierarchy and clear leadership, al-Qaeda has transformed into a transnational phenomenon over the last few decades, with branches and affiliates operating in dozens of countries across the world. Many call al-Qaeda an enemy, while some define it as an ideology, and others analyze it as a network. Of course, a small minority takes it up as their cause and an extension of their religion...
Author: Hilly Moodrick-Even Khen
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
ISBN: 1108487807
Category : Law
Languages : en
Pages : 337
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Book Description
A unique collaboration providing an analysis of the conflict in Syria, focusing on the integration between legal and political studies.
Author: Charles River Editors
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781979828925
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 142
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Book Description
*Includes pictures *Includes online resources and a bibliography for further reading Since the attacks on September 11, 2001, the world has struggled to define al-Qaeda, an amorphous, growing, and seemingly inexhaustible organization. Once a relatively organized group based in one country with a defined hierarchy and clear leadership, al-Qaeda has transformed into a transnational phenomenon over the last few decades, with branches and affiliates operating in dozens of countries across the world. Many call al-Qaeda an enemy, while some define it as an ideology, and others analyze it as a network. Of course, a small minority takes it up as their cause and an extension of their religion. Also known as ISIS, Da'esh, al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), and a host of other names, the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) has increasingly gained attention over the years for its brutal tactics and seemingly blatant disregard for human rights, but it has recently dominated the global media spotlight and made headlines when it attacked and seized control of Mosul, the second largest city in Iraq, and drove out an Iraqi army force that was more than five times its size in June 2014. It has since laid claim to various territories throughout Iraq and the Levant, and it has established operational control and maintained administrative structures on both sides of the Iraqi-Syrian border. Most recently, it declared the restoration of a caliphate and renamed itself the Islamic State. One of the reasons ISIS has gone by so many different names is because it has rebranded itself numerous times in the past. After starting as an al-Qaeda-inspired Sunni Islamist brigade that emerged from the ashes of the jihadist struggle against foreign forces in Iraq, the group grew into a full-fledged al-Qaeda branch, then evolved into a religiously motivated army, then finally separated from al-Qaeda to become the organization it is today. Since the Arab Spring uprising of 2011, reports of terrorist attacks around the world have flooded international media. Syria, a country about one and half times the size of Texas, has become the central battleground for many terrorist groups; those the world often focuses on and has heard much of--such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (also known as ISIS and Da'ash, but from here on referred to as ISIL)--and those the world rarely hears about and is unable to make distinctions between others--such as Jabhat Al-Nusra. Despite the lack of focused attention on its activities, Jabhat Al-Nusra (or, the Nusra Front as it is sometimes referred to) has built quite a reputation in Syria and the greater Middle East for its seemingly endless supply of weapons, ability to ally with strategic partners, and its peculiar mix of international, albeit notorious, supporters inside the country. The complexity of the Syrian Civil War is most definitely reflected in the complexity of the groups fighting for power within and around its borders; Jabhat Al-Nusra is no exception. The group's relationship with ISIL, Al-Qaeda, and the other militant factions within Syria is complicated and appears often conflictual: as of the time of this writing, Jabhat Al-Nusra had announced its split from Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) but analysts believe this is nothing more than a re-branding technique to attract all fighting elements in Syria to be under its own umbrella of control. On the morning of April 15, 2004, the world woke up to the extraordinary news of the kidnap in a little known hamlet of Nigeria of some 276, primarily Christian schoolgirls, by the radical militant Nigerian insurgent group Boko Haram. Almost overnight, the group, which had resided somewhat on the fringes of global consciousness up until that point, found itself at the forefront as international public outrage, culminating in a social media campaign headed by First Lady Michelle Obama, demanded the immediate return of the kidnapped girls.
