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Author: Chris Smith
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948008715
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
Despite the onset of an apparently robust peace process following the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), the war in Sri Lanka now appears to have restarted. Arguably, the fourth Eelam war that is currently unfolding may prove to be the final and decisive war for Eelam. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) appear to be well-prepared, well-armed, well-funded, focused and motivated. Every punitive attack mounted by the government brings collateral damage and Tiger recruitment potential in equal measure. In contrast, the Government of Sri Lanka’s security forces are in disarray: chains of command and decision-making appear fractured; the commander-in-chief seems out of touch with the politico-strategic reality of what is going on around him; and the state lacks a strategy to deal with the coming onslaught. Morale among the security forces is low and human rights abuses are on the increase, as is desertion from the zone of conflict. Events over the course of 2006 can be pieced together to outline the current LTTE strategy. Taken together they add up to a discernible intent to return to war but to join battle at a level below the type of conventional warfare that preceded the 2002 CFA. The current strategy is to launch an insurgency campaign that may in time be used to maximum effect, and is designed to succeed where more direct conflicts and confrontations have failed. State military strategy is close to non-existent. Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse, who is also the Commander-in-Chief, appears not to have grasped the nature of the security dynamics at work in the north. There is little evidence of applied strategic thinking amongst the higher echelons. Critics in Colombo maintain that the problem lies with a fractured decision-making process. The President has surrounded himself with a coterie of advisors whose credentials, beyond abject loyalty, are debatable. The peace process, even at its strongest point, never showed signs of delivering the kind of political and emotional reintegration between the LTTE and the south (rather than the Sinhalese and the Tamils) that would have to be a precursor to any form of lasting settlement—it simply did not exist in either Colombo or Kilinochchi. The Sri Lankan peace process, which is currently passing by, will not return. A more likely scenario is a resurgent LTTE effort towards Eelam that the Sri Lankan state appears to be insufficiently organized to combat over time, without external intervention and direct military assistance. But Sri Lanka lacks the geo-political importance to warrant such assistance. As such, the concept of (re)integration has become much less appropriate – even insignificant – over the past year.
Author: Chris Smith
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948008715
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
Get Book
Book Description
Despite the onset of an apparently robust peace process following the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), the war in Sri Lanka now appears to have restarted. Arguably, the fourth Eelam war that is currently unfolding may prove to be the final and decisive war for Eelam. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) appear to be well-prepared, well-armed, well-funded, focused and motivated. Every punitive attack mounted by the government brings collateral damage and Tiger recruitment potential in equal measure. In contrast, the Government of Sri Lanka’s security forces are in disarray: chains of command and decision-making appear fractured; the commander-in-chief seems out of touch with the politico-strategic reality of what is going on around him; and the state lacks a strategy to deal with the coming onslaught. Morale among the security forces is low and human rights abuses are on the increase, as is desertion from the zone of conflict. Events over the course of 2006 can be pieced together to outline the current LTTE strategy. Taken together they add up to a discernible intent to return to war but to join battle at a level below the type of conventional warfare that preceded the 2002 CFA. The current strategy is to launch an insurgency campaign that may in time be used to maximum effect, and is designed to succeed where more direct conflicts and confrontations have failed. State military strategy is close to non-existent. Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse, who is also the Commander-in-Chief, appears not to have grasped the nature of the security dynamics at work in the north. There is little evidence of applied strategic thinking amongst the higher echelons. Critics in Colombo maintain that the problem lies with a fractured decision-making process. The President has surrounded himself with a coterie of advisors whose credentials, beyond abject loyalty, are debatable. The peace process, even at its strongest point, never showed signs of delivering the kind of political and emotional reintegration between the LTTE and the south (rather than the Sinhalese and the Tamils) that would have to be a precursor to any form of lasting settlement—it simply did not exist in either Colombo or Kilinochchi. The Sri Lankan peace process, which is currently passing by, will not return. A more likely scenario is a resurgent LTTE effort towards Eelam that the Sri Lankan state appears to be insufficiently organized to combat over time, without external intervention and direct military assistance. But Sri Lanka lacks the geo-political importance to warrant such assistance. As such, the concept of (re)integration has become much less appropriate – even insignificant – over the past year.
Author: Benjamin Dix
Publisher: New Internationalist
ISBN: 1780265166
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 278
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Book Description
In the tradition of Maus, Persepolis, Palestine and The Breadwinner, Vanni is a graphic novel focusing on the conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the 'Tamil Tigers', told from the perspective of a single family. This moving, exceptional graphic novel portrays the personal experiences of modern warfare, the processes of forced migration and the struggles of seeking asylum in Europe. Inspired by Dix's experience of working in Sri Lanka for the United Nations during the war, Vanni draws upon over four years of meticulous research, includes first-hand interviews, references from official reports and cross-referencing with experts in the field. Elegantly drawn by Lindsay Pollock, and with a real sense of immediacy, Vanni takes readers through the otherwise unimaginable struggles, horrors and life-changing decisions families and individuals are forced to make when caught in conflict.
Author: Paul Moorcraft
Publisher: Pen and Sword
ISBN: 1783830743
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 377
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Book Description
In 2009, the Sri Lankan government forces literally eradicated the Tamil Tiger insurgency after 26 years of civil war. This was the first time that a government had defeated an indigenous insurgency by force of arms. It was as if the British army killed thousands of IRA cadres to end the war in Northern Ireland. The story of this war is fascinating in itself, besides the international repercussions for terrorism and insurgency worldwide. Many countries involved themselves in the war to arm the combatants (China, Pakistan, India, and North Korea) or to bring peace (US, France, UK, and Norway).While researching this work Professor Moorcraft was given unprecedented access to Sri Lankan politicians (including the President and his brother, the Defense Permanent Secretary), senior generals, intelligence chiefs, civil servants, UN officials, foreign diplomats and NGOs. He also interviewed the surviving leader of the Tamil Tigers.His conclusions and findings will be controversial. He reveals how the authorities determined to stamp out Tamil Tiger resistance by whatever means frustrated the media and foreign mediators. Their methods, which have led to accusations of war crimes, were brutally effective but are likely to remain highly contentions for years to come.
Author: William McGowan
Publisher: Trans-Atlantic Publications
ISBN:
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 424
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Book Description
A journalist's account of his extensive travels in Sri Lanka and portrayal of the Sri Lankans who carry on in the midst of conflict and strife between warring factions of Sinhalese Buddhists and Tamils.
Author: Eberhard Sandschneider
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948143647
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
In order to understand Germany’s foreign policy towards the Gulf Region it is necessary to keep in mind that among all of its major institutions, political parties and foreign policy actors there is a broad consensus on a set of parameters best defined within three imperatives: “never again” (referring to historical legacies, especially the Holocaust); “never alone” (referring to multilateral approaches predominantly within a European Union [EU] and transatlantic context); and “with peaceful means only” (referring to Germany’s role model as a civilian power). All major political actors agree that this is the basis of German foreign policy in any part of the world, and certainly in the most sensitive area of the Greater Middle East. Furthermore, it is necessary to keep in mind that historical legacies – in particular German policies towards Israel – do play a predominant role and will probably continue to do so in the foreseeable future. In practical terms, however, there is no comprehensive policy towards the Greater Middle East. German foreign policy itself is divided into different approaches between the Maghreb, the Mashreq, and the Gulf region and it is, of course, implemented with the help of EU coordination whenever possible. Widespread reluctance to develop initiatives and approaches beyond a European context allow for a simple characterization—Germany’s foreign policy towards the Greater Middle East is still dominated by economic interest and only in very rare aspects by security or strategic considerations. From a general perspective, its lack of a coordinated strategic approach characterizes one of the central weaknesses of Germany’s foreign policy, which has become increasingly global over the last few years and should concentrate on developing a strategy specifically adapted to the needs of the region. However, expectations that such a policy will be eventually implemented can hardly be based on optimism. Germany’s Gulf region policy will continue to be dominated by historical legacies; a clearly felt partnership with (in less positive words, ‘dependency on’) the United States; Germany’s consolidation in EU integration; and by a preoccupation with economic issues (the debate about Iran’s nuclear program being the only marked exception). This paper explores legacies and parameters of German and EU policies towards the Arabian Gulf region and discusses necessary changes in order to expand mutual cooperation.
Author: Mark Tessler
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948230310
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
This paper uses public opinion data collected as part of the Arab Barometer Survey Project to report on the political and social conceptions and preferences held by ordinary citizens in the Arab world. The findings provide a broad and generally representative overview of the civic orientations held by ordinary men and women in the Arab world. The paper covers a wide range of issues that are highly relevant to the Arab world at the present time, and frequently offers brief assessments of the reasons and/or implications associated with particular findings; in this way it encourages further reflection and future research on the part of others. Finally it calls attention to the availability of the unique resource that Arab Barometer data represent. Both through the Barometer’s website and through the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research at the University of Michigan, interested parties may acquire the AB data in SPSS format. Plans for the fourth wave of AB surveys are in the planning stage. Depending on local conditions and the availability of adequate funding, the fourth wave will continue to expand the number and geographic scope of the countries that are surveyed. Among the priorities for this wave, for which some funding has already been obtained, will be the inclusion of members of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
Author: Judge Rosalyn Higgins
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948140877
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 27
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Book Description
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations (UN). It was established 62 years ago at the end of the Second World War, and is the successor to the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) that was functioning at the time of the League of Nations. The ICJ has a dual role: to settle in accordance with international law the legal disputes submitted to it by states; and to give Advisory Opinions on legal questions referred to it by certain organs of the United Nations and duly authorized specialized agencies. Over the past six decades of the ICJ’s existence, the world has changed immensely. Dozens of newly independent countries, especially in Africa and Asia, have entered the world stage, and in the early 1970s, the Gulf states of the UAE, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain came to independence. The ICJ lives in the real world—changes in the world around us have their impact here, too. We have seen an increase in the range and number of states coming to the Court. Seventy nine states have engaged in Court proceedings in the past decade. The Court has handed down 95 judgments in its 60 years of existence. Of those, one-third has been delivered in the last decade. Today approximately 300 treaties refer to the Court in relation to the settlement of disputes arising from their application or interpretation and there has been a distinct trend for states to withdraw reservations they have made to such treaties in earlier years. The UAE, and the Gulf states more generally, are important to the ICJ. Since its establishment in 1971, the UAE has played a vital role in the affairs of the region, and has decided explicitly to base its foreign policy on the principles outlined in the Charter of the United Nations. It has formed close ties with countries throughout the Middle East and Asia, as well as with western nations. The Court appreciates the UAE’s interest in its work and, as with all parties to the Statute, stands ready to assist the states of the region in conformity with its Charter role.
Author: Emile Nakhleh
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948142284
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 17
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Book Description
This lecture focuses on the need for the United States – and other Western countries – to understand the political, social, and ideological trends that have emerged in the Muslim world in recent years, and on the necessity of engaging Muslim communities worldwide. The Obama administration is moving in this direction, as evidenced by President Obama’s Cairo speech of June 4, 2009, and his other statements and media interviews regarding the Muslim world. This lecture is based on my academic research over the years, and my work for the US government from 1990 to 2006. It draws heavily on my two recent publications, and on the numerous visits I have made to more than thirty Muslim counties in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central, South and Southeast Asia and the Balkans, as well as to several European countries that have Muslim populations. These visits have afforded me the opportunity to engage hundreds of Muslims – thinkers, writers, activists, journalists, politicians, clerics, non-governmental organization (NGO) workers, “jihadists,” liberals, radicals, Sunnis, Shia, and Sufis – in conversations on current developments in the Islamic world and how they view their relations with the outside world, including with the United States. My interviews gave me a clear impression that Muslims – especially those of the well-educated and professional middle classes – throughout most of the present decade have grown increasingly troubled by present relations between the United States and the Islamic world, and even more concerned about the future of these important relations.
Author: Pauline H. Baker
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 9948140893
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 15
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Book Description
Of all the analysts who have looked at Iraq since 2003, few have conducted assessments from the perspective of a failed state, not only to examine the mistakes of the past, but to explore feasible options in the future. While the term “failed state” is controversial, it is an accepted part of the international vernacular that is widely used by scholars and practitioners alike, and therefore will be used in this analysis. Most observers would agree that, while there have been temporary gains in some areas – notably in the United States’ military “surge” tactic – Iraq remains, overall, a state in turmoil that has not been able to attain sustainable security. Indeed, there remains a high level of danger. Iraq could collapse violently – with various parts opting out of the state and going to war with each other – and become the battleground for a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran that could entangle the entire Middle East. This paper looks at Iraq from the failed state’s perspective with a view toward avoiding this worst-case scenario. It examines trends over the last five years and concludes by proposing a vision for the country’s future based on a framework that would allow the varying sects to live together in peace without genocidal revenge, sectarian domination, foreign occupation or a regional proxy war— all of which are possible if current trends continue. Instead of a centralized state, or a federal arrangement which is little more than a sum of its competing parts, the factions that make up Iraq could enter into a new political arrangement called a Union of Iraqi States, in which each major component would have political independence but be tied to a union of economic interdependence and co-prosperity. Imaginative thinking of this kind must be accepted by internal groups and come into being through engaging the region. Difficult and bold as it sounds, this could be a way forward.
Author: Tariq Ramadan
Publisher: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research
ISBN: 994814502X
Category : Antiques & Collectibles
Languages : en
Pages : 16
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Book Description
The strength of the initial revolutionary movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya or Syria lay in not having a specific leadership. Rather, these movements comprised men and women from different classes, backgrounds and religions, all coming together. In Egypt this was very apparent – many came together from a variety of secular, leftist and Islamist groups – there was no leadership. It was clear from the very beginning that these were not ‘Islamist revolutions’ as some labeled them. The Islamists in many of these countries joined the efforts afterwards; in fact, in the beginning the Islamists were very hesitant to become involved. The first to push the Islamist movement to participate were the young members of Tunisia’s Al-Nahda. For the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the group’s leadership initially said that they would not be involved, but they were then encouraged to do so by the younger generation. Within the Brotherhood it was quite clear that there was – and remains – a fracture concerning strategy. Whilst the lack of a central leadership brought the initial movements strength, it was to become their weakness. Why? We know now that following the removal of the dictators it quickly became apparent that there was a lack of vision and clarity about what the people actually wanted. All we know is what they didn’t want; so we are still unsure as to what the future will hold. Across the board, the movements’ early strength became their weakness. From the secularists to the Islamists, these pertinent questions persist: what is the future and what do they want? These questions must be applied from the outset in order to understand the strengths and weaknesses of these movements. Ultimately, the situation is complex, with many issues to consider; this is where we are—a complex region facing complex challenges with complex dimensions. Consequently, it pays to be cautious when attempting to predict future developments in Muslim-majority countries. The current period is quite critical—a turning point. Something has changed and we can’t go back. It is now up to the young generation, even the Islamists. My position on this is quite clear – it can’t be done by killing or torturing people – if someone is dealing with politics, be they secular or Islamist, it doesn’t matter; as long as he or she is non-violent and respects the rule of law and the democratic process, he or she is entitled to be involved in the process and be part of the political discussion. Why? because is it good for all of us; it is good for you because there is nothing in Islam – and this is my position – that says that religion should take over the state. It should be about democratic and majority processes—this is Islamic.
